*{ http://www.attac.org/fra/asso/doc/doc75en.htm 16 aout 2002 Doha confirms the WTO's ultraliberal ideology -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Press Release 15 november 2001 Philippe Manet, coorditrad@attac.org See also: http://attac.org/nonewround (Doha final Declaration and other documents) } The representatives of the WTO's 142 member nations - including those from developed countries, whose influence was decisive, - adopted a final declaration that confirmed the ultraliberal tendency of future multilateral trade negotiations and proved the pre-eminence of trade rights over human, social, cultural and environmental rights. A parody of democracy, the negotiations once again marginalised most of the Southern countries, subjugating them to unprecedented pressure from lobbies and the North's governments. 1.- As regards agriculture, none of the following were recognised: the necessity for national sovereignty regarding foodstuffs, the protection of peasant agriculture (and its consequences, eliminating export subsidies) or the multi-functionality of agricultural activities, in particular its contribution to durable development; 2.- As regards services, negotiations are to continue, enabling public services to be broken down to the sole benefit of the rich countries' multinational firms; 3.- As regards market access for non-agricultural products, the declaration abandoned the idea - requested by India and 6 African countries - of assessing the impact on the South's industries of border tariff reduction for industrial products. This refusal is symbolic of the continuation of a totally unbalanced opening up of trade that benefits only the North's companies; 4.- As regards "new sectors" - investment, competition, transparent public-sector markets and facilitating trade, and despite strong opposition from many of the South's countries who were in an obvious position of weakness, negotiations must be concluded by 2005. More specifically, as regards investment, the MAI Multilateral Agreement on Investment, thwarted at the OECD in 1998 following citizen-movement actions, made a successful come-back; 5.- The few subjects where access to medication progressed remain limited in scope: the fundamental right to health will continue to be subjected to the major pharmaceutical firms' profit-geared philosophy, and the least developed countries continue to be excluded. Nothing changes regarding patents on living matter and restrictions on biodiversity by the North's transnationals; 6.- As regards the environment, any conclusions that might arise from planned discussions on the relationship between trade regulations and multilateral environment agreements concern only States that have ratified such agreements. This strongly encourages countries to follow the USA's deplorable example of refusing to ratify the Kyoto and bio-safety protocols. The principle of precaution, whereby security must be proven by the opposite party (e.g. the exporters of beef containing hormones or genetically modified foodstuffs must prove that their products are harmless, rather than the importers having to prove their harmfulness) and eco-labelling are therefore, logically, outside the declarations' field of application, and health and safety deliberately sacrificed to trade interests. 7.- With the exception of vague references to discussions in progress at the ILO International Labour Organisation, but lacking restrictions, the final declaration contains no social considerations at all. This paves the way for even more dumping of all types and, in the countries with the most lax legislation, the exploitation of workers by transnational firms. 8.- Lastly, the necessary in-depth reform of the WTO, in particular the elimination of its exorbitant status of Dispute Settlement Body is not on the agenda. The final assessment of Doha is therefore almost totally negative. It will accentuate further the most disastrous effects of neo-liberal globalisation. Two types of position merit closer examination: that of the Southern countries' governments and that of the European Union. 9.- Facts must be faced: most of the South government representatives, whilst defending their citizens' rights to almost no avail against the North's transnationals (in particular regarding access to medication), nevertheless joined the USA against the EU to stop any references being made to taking account of social and environmental concerns, as well as food safety. This is no cause for surprise. Many of them are simply a mouthpiece for local interests rather than social forces. This is why food safety, defended by peasant organisations in 70 countries and represented by Via Campesina, finds no echo in government. These governments see social and environmental standards as further constraints to their exports, whilst their debt forces them to generate more currency to pay back the interest, whatever the price. This is the World Bank and IMF's structural adjustment plans' main aim. Cancelling these countries' public debt is therefore a first step towards reorienting their economies to meeting internal needs (for foodstuffs in particular) instead of giving priority to exports. This makes dialogue with them difficult, as they readily put the North's governments and social movements in the same category, accusing them all of "protectionism". 10.- The EU's attitude is unacceptable. To avoid being "isolated" and held responsible for Doha's "failure", it gave in on the questions dearest to the social movements (all aspects of the social and environment dimension) so as to preserve better the interests of both its transnationals (in the General Agreement on Trade in Services) and large-scale production-oriented agriculture (export subsidies). The 15 Member-state governments' mandate to Commissioner Pascal Lamy was respected just for its usual "presidential electors", at the citizens' expense. Attac denounces the Doha Agreements most strongly, as they make a mockery of the demand for a world of greater solidarity, respectful of human, social and environmental rights, and place trade above all other concerns. The Association will launch an information campaign in addition to actions directed at the French Government and the European Commission on every subject of the Ministerial Conference Declaration so stop them form being implemented. With all its partners, it will reinforce its contacts with the South's social movements, starting at the Porto Alegre World Social Forum, to draw up common positions with them in answer to the international neo-liberal movement. These positions will go beyond the WTO, encompassing all the multilateral institutions that share its ultraliberal ideology (World Bank, IMF, OECD) in order to rebalance the world order towards wiping out poverty, fighting inequality and responding with mutual solidarity to the main ecological and social challenges. *{ Attac, Paris, 15th November 2001 }