*{Worlds Apart: Women and the Global Economy (ICFTU Website)Worlds apart - 
women and the global economy
Excerpts from this comprehensive ICFTU report reveal the hidden side of 
the globalisation of world trade and the ways in which women workers are 
affected in the employers' search for "flexibility" and competitiveness. 
The report finishes by setting out the trade union response, and looks at 
ways in which female workers are working out solutions. 
1996

Part one: The cost of globalisation for women 
The growing contribution of women in the economy 
Discrimination 
Precarious employment 
Export processing zones 
The informal sector and homeworking 
Migrant workers 



Part two: The trade union response 
Action in the field 
Legal instruments 
Changing attitudes 
The social clause 
  



Part one} *partie=titre The cost of globalisation for women 
THE GROWING CONTRIBUTION OF WOMEN TO THE ECONOMY *partie=nil  
 
Throughout the world, more and more women are joining the labour market. 
To the extent that the International Labour Office (ILO) now speaks of the 
"worldwide feminisation of the labour force and employment". For 20 years, 
the direct participation of women in the labour market has been steadily 
rising. Today some 45 per cent of women aged between 15 and 64 have or are 
seeking a job. 

The employment rate for women has always been lower than that of men, and 
women have long been considered as housewives first and foremost, their 
role as workers being a secondary activity. In recent years however, this 
situation has changed significantly. The trend now seems irreversible, 
although there are still marked differences between the regions. 
In the developed countries, women's employment has steadily increased 
despite the crisis, and is rapidly approaching the rate of male 
unemployment. In the OECD countries, the annual increase in the number of 
economically active women averaged 2.1 per cent between 1983 and 1992, 
double the rate of increase for men. The pace of change has been 
particularly spectacular in countries such as Spain and the Netherlands 
where there were still relatively few women on the labour market at the 
beginning of the 80s. In the United States and Canada and in the 
Scandinavian countries, women already account for nearly half the working 
population, with an employment rate, according to ILO statistics, of more 
than 70 per cent for some age groups. 

In Central and Eastern Europe, despite the recession and the reforms set 
in train for the transition to a market economy, women's participation in 
the workforce did not fall by any more than men's, and one woman in two 
still works. 

In the developing countries, the ILO estimated that the employment rate 
for women in 1994 was 44 per cent, although this varies greatly from 
country to country. In South East Asia, for example, women represent up to 
80 per cent of the workforce in the export processing zones, and in China 
the employment rate for women is 55 per cent. In the Arab countries, on 
the other hand, less than one woman in four is on the labour market. 
However, although the Arab countries have the lowest level of women 
workers, their rate of employment is on the increase. In North Africa, the 
rate of women's employment increased from 8 per cent in 1970 to 21 per 
cent in 1990. 

In Latin America, women's participation in the labour market is lower than 
in other continents, with an average rate of 30 per cent for women aged 
between 15 and 64 years. This average is beginning to rise however, 
reaching the same rate as men in certain countries and certain age groups. 

Sub-Saharan Africa is the exception, as the only region in the world where 
women's participation in the labour market has fallen. Sharp economic 
decline in the continent and the structural adjustment policies that have 
led to draconian reductions in public budgets have reduced the job market, 
forcing some women out of the official employment statistics. According to 
United Nations figures, the average employment rate for women in this 
region fell from a high of 57 per cent in 1970 to 53 per cent in 1990. 

*partie=titre Invisible labour *partie=nil 
Women's essential contribution to the world economy remains largely hidden 
however. In national accounts and employment statistics, the role of women 
is consistently underestimated. This problem is accentuated by the growth 
in "invisible" labour, the unpaid but nonetheless vital work that millions 
of women carry out in the domestic, agricultural and informal sectors. 
Such essential tasks as water transport, growing subsistence crops and 
caring for children are all left out of the labour statistics. 
The limited nature of the definition of economic activity used in national 
statistics is closely linked to the lack of economic recognition granted 
to women. Yet, according to the ILO, if this invisible, unpaid work 
carried out by women in subsistence agriculture and family enterprises 
were to be included in labour statistics, the rate of female activity 
would increase by between 10 and 20 per cent. Household tasks, if 
considered as productive activity, would increase the value of world GDP 
by 24 to 30 per cent. The rate of women's participation would be equal to, 
if not higher, than men's. 

The injustice done to women by ignoring much of their work is particularly 
acute in the developing countries. The 44 per cent rate cited earlier 
relating to the economic activity of women in developing countries does 
not take into account the large numbers of women economically active in 
the urban and rural informal sector. By taking a broader definition of 
economic activity, including the informal sector and non-commercial 
activities, the rate of female activity rises spectacularly, increasing 
according to ILO estimates from 13 to 88 per cent in India and from 11 to 
63 per cent in Bangladesh. In sub-Saharan Africa, in some countries, women 
make up 80 per cent of food producers. 

Through their visible and invisible work, women constitute an essential 
pillar of the world economy and, by strengthening their integration in the 
economic sphere, the "new world economic order" has made them an key 
player in the global workforce. 

*partie=titre DISCRIMINATION BETWEEN THE SEXES *partie=nil  
The recent economic changes linked to globalisation are not the only 
causes of the difficulties faced by women workers. Social and cultural 
prejudices persist, to varying degrees depending on the region, ensuring 
that discrimination between the sexes is still a reality. 
With the massive influx of women into the labour market, attitudes have 
changed considerably however and, in most regions of the world, many 
governments, thanks in part to the efforts of the trade unions, have 
understood the need to remove inequalities and adopt the legislation need 
to do so. 

However, despite their formally recognised rights, women are still paid 
less than men. They have fewer opportunities for climbing up the hierarchy 
and tend to be confined to a narrow range of "women's" occupations, 
usually low paid, low status jobs. At the same time, they still shoulder 
the double burden of professional and family responsibilities. 
The ICFTU believes that such rights are essential for working women, 
especially where unions are weak or non-existent. To be effective, 
legislation must be proactive and should allow for class action and the 
imposition of sanctions against employers who violate it. A specialised 
agency or national machinery responsible for equality questions should be 
established. 

*partie=titre Unequal pay *partie=nil 
According to the ILO, there is no doubt that women's pay is not 
commensurate with their contribution to the economy. Women everywhere are 
paid less than men and there is nothing to suggest that this gap is close 
to being reduced to any significant extent. On average, most women still 
earn only 50 to 80 per cent of men's wages. Some progress has been made in 
this area over the last forty years, but geographically it is very 
restricted. In the developed countries, for example, the gap varies 
between 30 and just under 10 per cent. Yet in an industrialised country 
like Japan, the gap may be as high as 40 per cent or more. 
In the developing countries, the gap can vary considerably. While Tanzania 
ranks first in the world for pay equality, with women earning 92 per cent 
of what men earn, in Bangladesh, women earn only 42 per cent of what men 
earn. In the countries of Central Europe, women often earn 30 per cent 
less than men. According to figures compiled by the United Nations 
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, women in these 
regions only earn between 44 and 77 per cent of men's wages. 
Differences in pay are particularly marked in certain developing countries 
which have chosen to boost their exports on the basis of labour intensive 
manufacturing industries with a predominantly female workforce. To keep up 
to international competition, the average wage paid to these women can be 
barely more than half that of men, as is the case for example in 
Singapore. Publicity aimed at attracting foreign investors is based both 
on the young women's reputation for dexterity and docility, and on their 
low cost, which justifies the myth, still prevalent in these societies, of 
the intellectual inferiority of women. 

Unequal pay is often linked to the social policy of a country. In Great 
Britain, where there is no minimum wage and where job flexibility is 
politically strongly encouraged, 57 per cent of women who work in the 
restaurant trade earn less than four pounds an hour, while the proportion 
of men working for the same rate of pay is only 35 per cent. Similarly, 
more than 50 per cent of women working full time in Great Britain earn 
less than the threshold considered a decent minimum by the Council of 
Europe, while the proportion of men in the same situation is only 29 per 
cent. 
The ICFTU believes that equal pay legislation should be broadened to 
include the principle of equal value. It is also urging governments to 
adopt a minimum wage which has been effective in a number of countries in 
raising the pay of the lowest paid workers, who are usually women. 

*partie=titre Double day*partie=nil 
Women's inequality on the employment market is exacerbated by the unfair 
sharing of family responsibilities, which makes a woman's working day 
considerably longer. 

Throughout the world, men spend the greater part of their time in paid 
employment. According to United Nations figures, in most countries the 
time spent by women on unpaid tasks is approximately double that spent by 
men on the same tasks. Sometimes the difference is much greater, such as 
in Japan where women spend nine times more time than men on unpaid work. 
In the developed regions, between two thirds and three quarters of 
household tasks are carried out by women. On average, women spend 30 hours 
or more on household tasks each week, as compared to 10 to 15 hours for 
men. Even when they have full-time jobs outside the home, women take care 
of most household tasks, particularly the preparation of meals, cleaning 
and child care. 

In the developing countries, again according to United Nations figures, 
the share of unpaid work carried out by women is even greater. In India 
for example, women and girls spend at least three more hours than men on 
unpaid subsistence tasks (carrying water and wood, cultivating and 
processing agricultural crops for their families) and more than 20 hours 
more per week than men on unpaid household tasks. Another elucidating 
example is that of western Siberia where women spend twice as much time as 
men on cultivating their private plots of land to meet basic food needs. 

*partie=titre Motherhood called into question *partie=nil 
Because of their family responsibilities, women have less disposable time 
to benefit from career opportunities or work overtime if necessary. 
Furthermore, aware of the burden that children represent, employers tend 
to be hesitant about hiring young women of child bearing age. 
For those who do chose to have children, they know in advance that they 
will be penalised at work. The absence or insufficiency of child care 
structures in one of the biggest problems. When a creche is not available, 
those who can stay at home while their children are small. For example, 
because of the lack of nurseries for young children, only one German woman 
in two and one Austrian woman in three returns to work after their 
parental leave. 

When they cannot afford to do without their wages, some women have no 
choice than to seek extreme solutions. Some for example are obliged to 
leave their children alone at home or in the street, which is often the 
case for women working in Mexican maquiladoras. Others take their children 
to work with them. In Thailand, for example, the large numbers of women 
working in the construction industry often have no other choice than to 
bring their children with them to the building site, with all the risks 
which that entails. The practice has become so common that the Thai 
authorities have just set up education centres for children on building 
sites. 

This unfair sharing of family responsibilities also explains why, when 
they can, so many women, particularly when they become mothers, see no 
other solution than to work part-time. The same reasoning results in many 
women accepting home work.

*partie=titre PRECARIOUS WORKING *partie=nil 
To meet the exigencies of globalisation, flexibility has become the order 
of the day, particularly the flexibility of the human element. Depending 
on market conditions, flexibility may be required in terms of working 
hours, the mobility of skills or the mobility of wages. Flexibility in 
working time, the organisation of work and employment contracts limits the 
creation of stable, waged, full-time employment, and tends to penalise 
women first and foremost. They are the first to find themselves 
unemployed, or to be asked to bow to the needs of "flexibility", as they 
tend to be engaged in atypical and precarious employment. 

Part-time work, sub-contracting, temporary or casual employment, home 
working, short term contracts, self-employed status...All these "non 
standard" forms of employment are ever more present in the industrialised 
countries and, according to the OECD, this evolution has been facilitated, 
if not encouraged, by governments. A relaxing of the rules applicable to 
non-standard contracts, incentives for employers to create non-standard 
jobs and incentives for workers to accept such contracts... Several 
countries have deliberately applied policies to make employment more 
flexible, mainly affecting women.

*partie=titre EXPORT PROCESSING ZONESm*partie=nil 
In response to the increased cost of labour in the industrialised 
countries, multinational enterprises have over the last 20 years chosen to 
relocate some of their activities, particularly labour intensive 
activities. This North to South relocation has benefited a Third World 
which has staked its future on an export-oriented model of development, 
based on the exploitation of their principal comparative advantage, namely 
a cheap and abundant workforce. 

A reflection of this essential feature of the globalisation of the economy 
- the flood of export industries situated in the South but financed for 
the most part by capital from the North - has been the rapid proliferation 
of export processing zones. 

From Mexico to the Philippines, from South Korea, Mauritius, Sri Lanka or 
El Salvador, export processing zones are present in fifty countries, 
concentrated mainly in Central America and in South and South East Asia. 
Judging by the enthusiasm shown by more and more countries, the zones are 
likely to multiply even more rapidly over the next few years, both in the 
regions where they are already present and in regions such as Africa, 
which with only thirty zones has so far remained on the fringes of this 
phenomenon, with the exception of Mauritius. 

*partie=titre Feminisation of the workforce *partie=nil 
On average, 80 per cent of the workforce in the export processing zones, 
working mainly in the textile, clothing, toy and electronics sectors are 
women. In some cases, the feminisation of the workforce is even more 
marked, such as in Panama, where 90 to 95 per cent of employees in the 
maquiladoras are women. Originally the term maquiladora was used for the 
Mexican assembly plants set up as part of an industrialisation programme 
along the border in 1965. Today it is applied to all assembly plants in 
the export processing zones of Latin America and the Caribbean. 

Export processing zones have proved so successful that today they can no 
longer be defined in territorial terms, rather they have become an 
institutional concept. In this sense, the zones are only the tip of the 
iceberg in terms of the number of women producing for the export market. 
Beyond the territorial limits of the export processing zones themselves, 
there are often many women working in the export industries that work 
around the fringes of the zones, and form an integral part of the new 
international division of labour. Although within their territorial 
limits, and with the exception of China, export processing zones only 
account for some two million people, they nonetheless symbolise a new, 
export-oriented, development model which involves tens of millions of 
workers. 

In China, some 20 million people, 70 - 80 per cent of whom are young 
women, work in the export industry financed largely by foreign capital 
either in the export processing zones along the south east coast or in the 
four special economic zones, or in the myriad of small rural enterprises 
working on sub-contracts for the export industry. 

*partie=titre "Skillful and docile" *partie=nil 
To attract western investors, some Asian countries, such as Thailand or 
Malaysia, do not hesitate to boast in their publicity brochures of the 
"dexterity of the small hands of the oriental women and traditional 
attitude of submission", a mixture that is supposed to work wonders on the 
assembly lines of potential multinational investors. The owners of these 
nimble fingers are expected to work hard and without complaining in the 
interests of "national prosperity". Despite their low pay and low status, 
this female workforce represents the principal source of foreign currency 
and the hope of the future industrialisation of the whole country. The 
women's earnings are often essential to their family's survival, and they 
face strong social pressure to remain unmarried for as long as possible so 
that they can continue working to help their families. 

In export processing zones throughout the world there is a marked 
preference for young, unmarried women, and it is made very clear to them 
that marriage, or worse still childbirth, is incompatible with their job. 
In some cases, women have to undergo a compulsory pregnancy test before 
being hired and, from Honduras to China to Costa Rica, pregnancy means 
dismissal. To prevent the problem of pregnancy from the outset, some 
Guatemalan maquiladoras distribute contraceptive pills to their women 
employees. In the Dominican Republic, some factories have distributed 
pills that have resulted in sterility. 

While working conditions may vary greatly from one country to the next, 
and even from one enterprise to the next, conditions in the zones in 
general are not to the workers' advantage. Low wages, very difficult 
working conditions, little or no social security, and no job security are 
common denominators throughout the zones. 

*partie=titre Sacrificing safety *partie=nil 
Working hours are often very long and, to meet the demands of flexibility, 
overtime is frequent, night and day. Health and safety conditions are 
particularly deplorable. For example, behind the image of surgical 
cleanliness expected of an electronics assembly line, workers in the 
sector are in reality exposed to dangerous chemical products. Carcinogenic 
solvents, acids and toxic fumes are commonly used in the electronics 
factories. When they are hired, employees in these factories must have 
perfect eyesight. But after a few years, they often have to wear glasses 
from having to spend days on end staring through microscopes. Another 
example is that of the clothing and textile sector, where workers and 
machines are crammed into tiny, poorly ventilated spaces where 
temperatures soar in summer and where the air is full of tiny particles of 
cloth that clog up the respiratory passages. 

Not to mention the health problems caused by the continuous repetition of 
the same movement in the same position, or the stress generated by the 
impossible rhythm imposed on workers and the authoritarian attitudes they 
are subjected to, under the threat of fines or other forms of harassment. 
The workers are in fact totally at the mercy of their employer, which can 
have dramatic consequences. Esperanza Quintallina, a 24-year-old 
Salvadorian worker, died in March last year after a severe attack of 
gastroenteritis which her employer, a Korean company, refused to allow her 
to treat in time. 

*partie=titre Total subordination *partie=nil 
Frequently surrounded by barbed wire or concrete walls, in some cases 
permanently guarded by the police or private security forces, the export 
processing zones are characterised by a climate of repression which may go 
as fare as physical punishments. In a textile factor in San Salvador, for 
example, a Korean company, not content with not paying social security 
contributions, allowed its management to beat workers to the point that 
one of the women had a miscarriage as a result of a beating. 

In this repressive climate, women workers are particularly exposed to the 
risk of sexual harassment, a form of violence which reflects the total 
subordination these women have to submit to simply to be allowed to work. 
While sexual harassment is frequent, the women rarely dare to complain 
because they know that a complain will often lead to dismissal, and that 
they will not be able to appeal to the courts. The climate of subservience 
, particularly sexual, is such that in some factories in the zones young 
women who return home to the countryside after being employed in them can 
no longer find a husband and have to turn to prostitution to survive. 
Another very serious problem for women workers in the zones is that of 
housing. Faced with a shortage of proper housing, some have to sleep in 
the zone, even within the factory, where health and safety conditions are 
deplorable. Outside the factory, they often have no other choice than to 
pay exorbitant rent for accommodation in the area. Transport is also very 
expensive and badly organised. 

*partie=titre Anti-union repression *partie=nil 
Anti-union repression is an integral part of the export processing zone 
concept. Potential investors see the absence of trade unions as a major 
advantage of the zones, and their preference for women workers is a 
deliberate part of their anti-union policy. The cultural conditioning of 
these young women makes them less likely to rebel. They are also less 
likely to have any influence in the trade unions, which are seen as male 
bastions. 
Trade unions must press governments to change legislation and guarantee 
trade union rights in the export processing zones. They must inform 
members and the public of working conditions in the zones, and publicise 
"black lists" of multinational enterprises which violate international 
standards, organising boycotts of their products. They must assist and 
support workers in the export processing zones by organising and training 
them. 

In conclusion, while they offer women unprecedented job opportunities, the 
export processing zones also expose these women to very difficult working 
conditions. Forming a new proletariat at the service, in the wake of 
globalisation, of an export-based development model boosting the profits 
of the multinationals, these women are frequently exploited, exposed to 
health and safety risks, and deprived of any job security. And although 
the work of the women in the export processing zones clearly contributes 
to their countries' economic growth, they do not benefit from any real 
improvement in their economic and social status. In addition to the very 
unsatisfactory working conditions, the possibilities for learning new 
skills or career advancement are very limited. Their work is usually 
considered simply as a stage before marriage and the return to more 
"traditional" tasks.

*partie=titre THE INFORMAL SECTOR AND HOME WORKING *partie=nil  
The economic crisis and structural adjustment have reduced the 
opportunities for full time, permanent employment in the structured sector 
of the economy. In Africa, Asia and Latin America, and also in the 
industrialised countries, the informal sector has become the "employer of 
last resort". In many families, the income earned from waged work is no 
longer enough and for a significant sector of the population it has become 
necessary to find another means of supplementing the family income, at any 
cost. Thanks to the crisis and the deregulation of the world economy, the 
informal economy is steadily expanding. 

Domestic workers in Mexico, seasonal farm labourers in Bangladesh, Italian 
seamstresses, vegetable vendors in Dakar...The daily lives of these women 
differ greatly. But they all belong to the informal sector, a sector 
which, like the multitude of difference situations it covers, is very 
difficult to define. At best, it is possible to identify a few recurrent 
characteristics, such as the preponderance of small production units or 
the use of traditional techniques. These production units usually have a 
very rudimentary structure, where no distinction is made between labour 
and capital and where production is on a very small scale. They may 
operate throughout the year or seasonally, or on an ad hoc basis. 
In parallel to the informal sector traditionally involved in the 
production of handicrafts and very small scale commercial activity, there 
has in recent years, as a result of sub-contracting, been an 
informalisation of the formal industrial sector. In the developing 
countries in particular, industrial production has informalised, while 
retaining its ties with the formal structures. 

Until the end of the seventies, the informal sector was shrinking, both in 
the industrialised and the developing countries. With the onset of the 
crisis in the '80s however, in particular the debt crisis and the effects 
of structural adjustment programmes, it grew rapidly, to the extent that 
it employs half a billion people, or one quarter of the world's working 
population, making an essential contribution to economic and social live.
 
*partie=titre The return to home-working *partie=nil 
Work from the home, which formed the basis of most pre-industrial economic 
activities, made an important contribution to the first stages of 
industrialisation. It developed on a large scale in the developed 
countries in the 19th century. With the advent of the 20th century, 
however, home working gradually declined to become a marginal form of 
production. This fallow period lasted until the '70s and '80s, when more 
and more frequent use of sub-contractors led to a new boom in home working 
both in the industrialised and the developing countries, where it has 
existed since time began. 

Today, home workers are an integral part of the international organisation 
of labour. By definition, home workers are not "visible" and there are no 
reliable statistics by which to accurately estimate how many there are 
worldwide. This situation persists owing to the pressure exerted by the 
contractors on the workers to remain "invisible" and the tendency of some 
women to not regard themselves as real workers because they work from 
home. There are some figures that give an idea of the extent of 
homeworking, however. In Japan, for example, nearly one million people 
work from home. In India, there are more than 7 million, and in the 
Philippines no less than 37 per cent of the workforce are home workers. 
The sub-contracting boom, particularly visible in Asia and Latin America, 
particularly among companies in the labour-intensive export market, is no 
doubt the principal reason for this rapid expansion in home working. In 
Mexico, for example, sub-contracting to women homeworkers is very 
widespread in the clothing, shoe and shrimp industry. This growth in home 
working has taken place both in the developing and the developed 
countries, in urban and rural areas.

*partie=titre WOMEN MIGRANT WORKERS *partie=nil 
Migration is nothing new. Ever since human beings first existed they have 
traveled, which is why the human race now covers the surface of the globe. 
It was when human beings turned their own kind into slaves that the 
international migration of labour began on a large scale. Even today, a 
surplus or shortage of labour has a strong influence on the migratory 
flows to or from other countries, and the idea of migration is linked more 
than ever to that of the international employment market. 

A few years ago, the international migration of labour was still a 
negligible phenomenon. Today however, just as with goods, services and 
investments, international flows of people have intensified and have 
become an integral part of the globalisation of the economy, and there has 
been a feminisation of these flows. 

Women are doubly affected by the globalisation of the labour market. They 
are directly affected because they are joining this international market 
in increasing numbers, and more and more are therefore taking the decision 
to seek work elsewhere. Indirectly they are affected by the often negative 
effects of their husband's decision to migrate, whether they go with him 
or whether they stay at home to head the household alone. 

The increase in demand in traditionally female occupations, strategies for 
families' survival linked to the decline in living conditions in many 
countries, the reuniting of families, increased independence.... The 
reasons leading women to emigrate are manifold. 

*partie=titre Increased demand *partie=nil 
The demand for labour in the traditional "female" sectors, particularly 
domestic service, is on the increase. It explains the large numbers of 
women leaving eastern and South East Asia to find work in the Gulf states, 
or who leave some of the countries of Central Europe, such as Poland, to 
work in the countries of the European Union such as Germany, Belgium, or 
France. Many women have also left the Caribbean to work as domestic 
servants in North America. At the same time, the advantages given to 
qualified immigrants to the United States and Canada has also led to the 
immigration of many teachers and nurses. 

*partie=titre Menial work *partie=nil 
In the service sector as in industry, the great majority of immigrant 
women workers have menial jobs. The proportion of immigrant women in the 
lowest categories of jobs is almost always markedly higher than the 
proportion of women from the host country. Often migrant women occupy 
posts that they would have refused in their own countries. Filipino 
immigrants, for example, agree to work in domestic service in Hong Kong, 
even though they are qualified as a chemist or an engineer. In such cases, 
the prime motivation is clearly the difference in pay. A Filipino woman 
who works as a teacher in her own country can expect to earn at least 
three times as much in a European country for example. These huge 
differences in pay can lead to complex migratory flows. In Latin America, 
Colombian women emigrate to Europe or Venezuela to work as domestic staff. 
In their own countries, it is immigrant women from neighbouring countries 
such as Peru or Ecuador who would take such jobs. 

Confined to unskilled, low paid jobs, immigrant women are often easy prey 
for unscrupulous employers. In a strange country, often subject to racial 
discrimination, they are reduced to silence, and considered in most cases 
as second class citizens. As women, the vulnerability of their status 
exposes them even more to violence and sexual harassment.

*partie=titre Clandestinity *partie=nil 
For immigrant women, the risk of being exploited increases greatly if they 
are illegal immigrants. Unable to show themselves, they are even more at 
the mercy of their employers, and of those who helped them get there. Many 
arrive in their country of destination with a temporary visa (tourist, au 
pair...) and stay on as illegal immigrants when their visa has run out. 
Others put themselves in the hands of dubious employment agencies. 
Sometimes the women pay large sums of money to these intermediaries, to 
whom they are held hostage until their "debt" has been paid. Sometimes 
they have an unpleasant surprise on arrival, finding that the type of work 
or the size of the pay packet has nothing to do with what they were 
promised. Once they have reached their destination, however, the women 
have no choice but to work in the conditions imposed on them. They often 
find it is much more difficult than they thought to return to their own 
country. 

Illegality makes migrants far more susceptible to involvement, by choice 
or by force, in various illicit forms of traffic and for women, illegal 
migration can all too often lead to prostitution.

*partie=titre Part two - THE TRADE UNION RESPONSE *partie=nil 
The globalisation of the economy is a major challenge for the trade union 
movement in the sense that it fosters the emergence or accentuation of 
phenomena that are synonymous with the increased exploitation of workers. 
The informal sector, home working and export processing zones are rapidly 
expanding sectors in which the trade unions have little influence. This 
weakness leaves women in a particularly vulnerable position, as they make 
up the majority of the workforce in these sectors. 

How, in a period of economic crisis and growing job insecurity, can the 
unions get their message across to women workers who prefer to keep their 
jobs at whatever cost rather than enforce their rights? How can the unions 
reach out to the ever growing number of women who are not protected by 
labour legislation and who do not therefore benefit either from minimum 
labour standards or social security? 

To meet the challenge of globalisation and its negative consequences for 
women workers, the trade union movement can act at various levels. 
Listening to the grass roots and understanding the concerns of women 
workers, particularly the most exploited, in other words those who never 
have the right to speak out, is essential. This can be followed up in 
practical terms by supporting the projects and programmes in the field 
which more and more women are determined to make succeed.
 
Beyond its action in the field, the trade union movement has an important 
role to play at the national and international level to promote a legal 
environment more favourable to combating discrimination against women. 
Various ILO standards already exist on this subject, and it is up to the 
trade union movement to work to improve them, add to them and above all 
ensure their application by governments.

*partie=titre ACTION IN THE FIELD *partie=nil 
Despite the absence of "normal" organising conditions, despite the burden 
of culture and tradition, despite the very strong pressures discouraging 
them, women are fighting back and they are organising. Throughout the 
world, women's solidarity has led to innovative initiatives which can give 
impressive results. In the informal sector and home working, previously 
devoid of rights, the future for women workers now looks more hopeful. 
In the developing countries, many workers organisations are being created 
in the informal sector outside of any formal trade union structure, often 
in the form of mutual aid groups. In the third world, many of these 
informal organisations have no official recognition. It allows them more 
flexibility in the way they operate and more independence from the 
political powers. But at the same time not having any legal status 
severely limits their effectiveness and legal or financial obstacles 
quickly hamper their development. 

It is very important therefore for the trade union movement to be present 
on the ground to explain the advantages of fighting via, or at least in 
collaboration with, a trade union structure. Establishing links between 
the cooperative movement and the trade union movement can in this way 
prove very effective, as demonstrated by the women's informal sector union 
in Côte d'Ivoire (Synafsi), which forms women's sellers and buyers 
cooperatives to gain a better control of the market. The cooperative 
movement plays an important role in Africa, be it in Côte d'Ivoire, 
Guinea, Mali, Senegal and Burkina Faso. It gives women more control over 
their own work and helps them escape male domination. 

*partie=titre Reaching migrant women *partie=nil 
Even more difficult to organise, and often the most exploited, are the 
migrant women who work at home. They are also the target of union 
organising campaigns, despite the difficulties of penetrating the 
immigrant communities to which these workers belong. In Australia, through 
the Australian clothing workers' union (CATU), in Canada via the women's 
garment workers' union (ILGWU) and in the Netherlands via the women's 
union affiliated to the national centre the FNV, the trade unions have 
initiated contact with this type of worker. In all three cases, they are 
working on three fronts: establishing contact, collecting information to 
inform opinion, and using this information to help improve the rights of 
these women homeworkers. 

Taking up the fight in the export processing zones
Organising women workers in the export processing zones is extremely 
difficult, even more so than in the informal sector. As we have already 
seen, trade union repression is an integral part of the export processing 
zone concept, as the absence of trade unions is one of the comparative 
advantages particularly appreciated by potential investors. 
As a result, the rate of unionisation in the export processing zones is 
very low, or in some cases zero. The union's low profile in the zones is 
the result of the at times very obvious threats made to workers: if a 
trade union organises in a factory, the factory will be closed and 
transferred to a more "friendly" region. The problem of organising these 
workers is all the greater given that most are young women, with little 
experience, few skills, low self-confidence, and often hired for short 
periods.

*partie=titre LEGAL INSTRUMENTS *partie=nil 
Fighting for the improvement of legal instruments is one of the trade 
union movement's top priorities and the standards currently in force, at 
both the national and international level owe much to the lobbying work of 
trade unions, particularly their Women's Committees. Equal pay, combating 
sexual harassment, the sharing of family responsibilities...thanks to the 
work of women in the trade unions, these principles are now contained in 
the legislation of very many countries. One of the battles won in the 
fight against discrimination was the successful action brought by Indian 
trade union women against the "no marriage" clause in the Indian 
pharmaceutical industry which required women to resign if they marry.

*partie=titre CHANGING ATTITUDES *partie=nil 
For trade union action to be effective and credible, the trade unions must 
put their own house in order, starting by changing attitudes in their own 
ranks, where in reality gender perspective is far from being integrated. 
Traditionally, the trade union world is perceived as a male preserve and, 
even though great progress has been made in terms of women's participation 
in the trade unions, much remains to be done to get across the message 
that a trade union is not really democratic until it gives women an equal 
role and that unions are one of the best instruments for promoting 
equality in the economy and in society. 

*partie=titre Adapting to forms of work *partie=nil 
Trade unions, it is important that the unions fully appreciate the impact,
particularly on women, of the new forms of working, such as work in the 
informal sector, homeworking, part-time work and the export processing zones.

*partie=titre SOCIAL CLAUSE *partie=nil 
A social clause means giving workers the opportunity of being more than 
just the objects of economic globalisation, giving them the chance to act 
as a counter-balance to the all-powerful multinational companies who, with 
their international structures and communications networks, can exert 
their influence unchecked. 

*partie=titre The ICFTU campaign *partie=nil 
Convinced, in the words of General Secretary Bill Jordan that "the time is 
ripe for a social clause", the ICFTU is campaigning fiercely at the 
international and, via its affiliates, the national level, for the 
introduction of a social clause in international trade. The confederation 
has been arguing for such a clause since the beginning of the '80s, and 
believes that it should be based on the seven key conventions of the ILO, 
dealing with the freedom of association, the right to collective 
bargaining, the prohibition of child labour and the fight against 
discrimination in employment. 

Contrary to the widely held belief that the social clause is just another 
form of hidden protectionism for industrialised countries suffering the 
effects of the relatively high cost of their labour, the social clause is 
in the interests of all, both North and South. 

For women to be effectively protected by the safe-guards a social clause 
would introduce in international trade, equality between the sexes must 
always be born in mind during the elaboration, negotiation and application 
of the clause. This will require the active participation of women trade 
unionists in the negotiations. It is important to ensure that in the 
global economy the term "comparative advantage" is not systematically 
synonymous with disadvantages for women. On the contrary, a social clause 
must ensure that international trade guarantees higher productivity and 
fair and sustainable development. A development that will finally give 
women the visibility and dignity that is their due and enable them to make 
their vital contribution to the building of a better future.