*{A TRADE UNION GUIDE TO GLOBALISATION
DECEMBER 2001

FOREWORD

Globalisation is a reality. It can be a harsh reality. The world has become
even more aware following massive terrorist attacks that there is an important role
for global governance and regulation and that lives are at stake. Terrorism has
changed this debate, but it only makes more important and vital the issues and the
strategies discussed in this document.

Globalisation affects our lives as citizens and as trade unionists. Trade unions are
trying to construct globalisation with a human face, to put in place some rules at
the international level that will protect workers’ rights. To do this requires trade
unionists to actively and effectively participate in the international debate, to engage
corporations and governments and international bodies in a dialogue over workers’
rights, social issues, and the responsibilities of globalisation.

This guide is intended to help leaders and members of national and local trade
unions discuss issues related to globalisation. It is also designed as a tool for integrating
the international dimension into trade union work. It is clear that the global
economy is having an impact on workers, their families, and their communities.
And that makes the need to connect and influence workers and their unions across
country borders even more compelling. As we all seek ways to understand globalisation
and build stronger and more effective international trade union solidarity,
effective participation by trade unionists in the international trade union movement
is essential.

We share the same trade union principles across national boundaries as well as
locally and regionally. They include the right of all workers to join or form independent
trade unions and the belief in and commitment to a universal application
of minimum labour standards. We also need to be better able to engage employers
at the international level. To carry out these objectives, this common mission, there
are democratic trade union organisations to make international trade union solidarity
real, practical and effective.

At the ICFTU World Congress held in 1996, which had as its central theme the
“challenge of globalisation”, as well as at the last World Congress in 2000, speaker
after speaker talked about the problems of working men and women in a continuously
changing world. These were issues like insecurity of employment, worries
about pay, increased intensity of work, authoritarian management, union busting,
discrimination, children at work instead of at school, dangerous and unhealthy
working conditions and the difficulty of effectively communicating our message.
All of these are familiar trade union issues, but were approached from another
angle, that of globalisation and the growing impact of world business on workers’
lives, whether they are working for multinational or other enterprises or in the public
sector.

It is clear that international trade union solidarity - co-operation between union 
members, local unions, national unions, national centres and international trade
union organisations - can play a decisive role. This trade union “users’ guide” to
globalisation is one part of a larger and ongoing effort to build stronger, global
trade unionism which can better contribute to the protection of human dignity and
freedom for workers and in particular to social and economic progress and justice. }

*{INTRODUCTION}
The purpose of this guide is to explore some of the practical implications
of the growing integration of the world economy for workers and their trade
unions. The Guide is intended for use in trade union education and as a reference
book for trade unionists involved in international work.

This Guide is divided into two parts. Part I considers the implications of globalisation
for trade unions and describes the international trade union movement. It
examines the main objectives of the international trade union movement; defending
and promoting trade union rights and labour standards as well as building an
international framework for economic and social justice. It concludes by considering
the challenges of multinational enterprises to the traditional role of trade unions
and how trade unions are co-operating internationally to engage common employers.
Part II is devoted to the practical implications of meeting the challenges of globalisation
for all trade union organisations - whether they are local or national unions
or national centres. It stresses joining and participating in the appropriate international
trade union organisations, with special emphasis on the role of International
Trade Secretariats (ITS). It considers the experience of trade unions in giving and
receiving international solidarity and the importance of gathering and sharing
information about multinational enterprises (MNE’s). MNE is the term used in this
guide, another widely used term is transnational companies (TNCs). An MNE is a
company that owns or controls production or service facilities in at least two countries.

*partie=titre GLOBALISATION AND SOLIDARITY
1. THE MEANING OF GLOBALISATION *partie=nil 

Globalisation is a degree of interdependence which goes far beyond simple expansion
of international trade, the main indication of the internationalisation of the economy in
the past. It includes integration of production across national boundaries with signifi-
cant increases in international investment by multinational enterprises. The production
of automobiles, for example, which for nearly a century was concentrated geographically
and at national level, is now done at a global level, with cars often being assembled
from component parts which are produced by large numbers of supplier companies
in dozens of countries. General Motors, for example, has a global presence in more
than 200 countries, manufacturing operations in 50 countries and it has 30.000 supplier
companies world-wide.

Globalisation is not just a change in production and supply relationships. It is
affecting the service sector, delivery and sale of both private and public services,
although still adapted to local markets and conditions, are increasingly coming
from multinational enterprises. One aspect of globalisation is the extensive and
complex network of suppliers which often exists.
Globalisation also means unprecedented rapid and massive movement of capital.
This interdependence and integration is facilitated and accelerated by new technology,
particularly information technology (IT).

Although globalisation is linked to a number of technological and other changes
which have helped to link the world more closely, there are also ideological elements
which have strongly influenced its development. A “free market” dogma
has emerged which exaggerates both the wisdom and role of markets, and of the
actors in those markets, in the organisation of human society. Fashioning a strategy
for responsible globalisation requires an analysis which separates that which
is dogma from that which is inevitable. Otherwise, globalisation is an all too convenient
excuse and explanation for anti-social policies and actions which undermine
progress and break down community.

Globalisation as we know it has profound social and political implications. It can
bring the threat of exclusion for a large portion of the world’s population, severe
problems of unemployment, and growing wage and income disparities. It makes it
more and more difficult to deal with economic policy or corporate behaviour on
a purely national basis. It also has brought a certain loss of control by democratic
institutions of development and economic policy.

The gap between the rich and the poor is widening all over the world. In 1960, the
income gap between the 20% richest and the 20% poorest countries in the world
was 30 to 1. This rose to 60 to 1 in 1990 and to around 75 to 1 at the end of the
last century. The World Bank says that income levels in Sub-Saharan Africa have
fallen by 0.7% a year over the last twenty years while average incomes in industrialised
countries grew by 2.0% a year. Over the last ten years, the highly paid
within the industrialised countries have seen their incomes rise much faster than
the average, while a growing number of families depend on insecure, low-paid jobs
or social benefits.

The challenge of globalisation is not to try to make it go away or to pretend it does
not exist. It is to find ways to manage change and regulate and structure globalisation
so that it is subject to the popular will, supports fundamental rights, and brings
prosperity to as many people as possible. The global task of trade unions is to affect
policy at the international level, convince governments and enterprises to assume
the responsibilities of globalisation, and engage in practical, effective solidarity.
The Components of globalisation
Globalisation is the result of several developments and processes which are generally
linked together. These include:
• The growth and relative importance of foreign direct investment, which provides
a greater role for multinational enterprises;
• The internationalisation of financial markets;
• The development and diffusion of communication and transport technology;
• Deregulation and liberalisation;
• Privatisation of the public sector.

*partie=titre Foreign Direct Investment *partie=nil 

International economic interdependence over the past 30 years has been driven in
large part by a dramatic growth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI - the creation
of productive assets by foreigners or the purchase of assets by foreigners). Until
the 1970’s, international activity was mostly in the form of exchange of goods and
services between nation-states - trade being the driving force of the international
economy. Since that time, there has been a growing importance of the movement
of capital in the global economy. A central role in this changing system is played
by multinational enterprises, institutions which engage in Foreign Direct
Investment. A company is not a multinational company just because it sells
exports overseas, it has to have actually moved part of its operations to another
country by investing abroad.

International trade during the 1980’s grew twice as fast as Gross Domestic
Product (GDP). And Foreign Direct Investment grew twice as fast as trade. This
represents a growing role for multinational enterprises in the world economy.
According to the 2000 World Investment Report by UNCTAD (United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development), the sales by foreign operations of multinationals
in 1999 amounted in total to US$14,000 billion. This was nearly twice
as high as the value of world exports. In other words, FDI is a much more pow-
erful and visible aspect of globalisation today than world trade. In addition, an
important share of world trade takes place within those enterprises. It is estimated
by UNCTAD that the share of intra-firm trade in total is approximately one
third of the total. A result of this is that the growth of international production is
not only linking markets but is increasingly linking the production systems of individual
countries as well, which is different from what happened in international
integration in the past.

*partie=titre Financial Markets *partie=nil 
The Bretton Woods exchange rate system, which was created after World War II to
provide a degree of international exchange rate stability and which resulted in the creation
of international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and the World Bank, collapsed in the 1970’s and flexible exchange rates were
introduced. Many capital controls at the national level were removed. This was followed
in the 1980’s by significant deregulation of the financial sector. The result has
been enormous movement of capital around the world. Daily financial transactions
amount to well over US$ 1.5 trillion (US$ 1,500 billion). Cross border lending has
exploded and new financial institutions are developing and restructuring constantly.
Financial markets and the key players in those markets have developed a role which
has severely limited the powers of national governments. The deterioration of national
sovereignty has not been replaced by effective international rules governing those
markets, as has been shown by the speculative contagion behind the economic and
financial crisis, which began in 1997 in Asia and spread around the globe. Another
thing which has clearly been shown by this crisis is that the local workers are the main
victims. They have to live with the devastating consequences of a globalisation that
has gone wrong.

There is a growing certainty within the international trade union movement and,
indeed, the global community at large, that something needs to be done to prevent
further negative results from an escalation of these processes. Over the years, the
ICFTU has made many proposals for measures to be taken to prevent this, mainly by
seeking to introduce effective new international regulations of those processes.
One aim is to dampen speculation by making it more costly to the financial traders and
to reduce the risk of large-scale financial collapse. One suggested measure is the Tobin
tax, the taxation of short-term financial transactions, as a way of helping to correct the
market without sacrificing any of the benefits that capital mobility provides.

A new architecture for global financial stability and sustainable development is needed,
with reform of the IMF and World Bank, so that their programmes promote good
governance and respect for human rights and fundamental labour standards, increased
employment, poverty reduction and the provision of public services in key areas.
The goal of these measures is to orient the operations of financial markets away from
speculative transactions and short-term profit-taking and towards facilitating longterm,
productive investment which creates good, secure employment. They would
encourage governments and the international agencies to tackle the social problems
which are often the underlying cause of financial tension and instability. And, they
would support sustainable development which combines structural adjustment with
social justice.

*partie=titre Deregulation and Liberalisation *partie=nil 
Most countries have, often as a result of global, regional, and bilateral trade and
investment negotiations, lowered barriers to trade and investment. These barriers
include trade quotas and tariffs as well as national capital controls. Although
deregulation and liberalisation occur at different speeds in different countries, the
trend is world-wide. The major financial institutions, such as the IMF and the
World Bank, are also partly responsible through encouraging and facilitating the
introduction of market-based economic policies in their programmes.

The 1980’s and 1990’s saw a broadening of the global market as many developing
countries, particularly in Asia, received a great deal of investment and developed
their exports. With the collapse of the Soviet bloc, many formerly centrally planned
economies increased their participation in and exposure to the global market as well.
During this period a lot of developing countries have also moved towards a market
economy, many of them under the pressure of structural adjustment programmes of
the IMF or the World Bank, with an emphasis on export. Economic reforms often
involved privatisation of large, state-owned enterprises and a dramatic reduction of
public services.

One of the main driving forces responsible for the increase in global trade has been
the creation of a framework of intergovernmental trade agreements at global and
regional levels. At a global level, discussions at the GATT (the precursor of the World
Trade Organisation- WTO) over the past 50 years have led to a world with fewer and
fewer restrictions on trade and to world-wide agreements on trade liberalisation in an
increasing number of sectors. At the regional level, the establishment of free trade
areas and other regional economic arrangements has stimulated a higher level of trade
within the countries participating. Nearly every part of the world has its own form of
regional free trade agreement or group, including the European Union in Europe,
SADC in Africa, MERCOSUR and the Andean Pact in South America, NAFTA in
North America, ASEAN in South East Asia or APEC for the Asian and American
countries on both sides of the Pacific.

There is no doubt that the acceleration of integration has led to new relationships and
realities. International production has become a central structural characteristic of the
world economy.

*partie=titre Globalisation and the Public Sector *partie=nil 
Globalisation has also served as a pretext for advocates of a “free market” ideology
to seriously challenge the role of the State. This offensive has changed the relative
balance that has existed between the public and private sector and which was
part of a post-Second World War consensus in developed countries. There has
been much talk of the decline of the welfare state, with some rejecting it and claiming
that it is ineffective.

In addition to reshaping social security systems to meet demands for greater flexibility
from private enterprises, a number of countries have challenged the role of
the State as the provider of public services. In some countries the management of
social programmes of last resort has even been entrusted to the private sector.
The notion of, on the one hand, the public sector as an ineffective and wasteful
giant and, on the other, the private sector as an effective and responsible actor,
however misleading, has caused enormous damage. One would think that public
investments, no matter how vital, are a waste and private investments, no matter
how foolish, are wise. In many cases, ideology has replaced a pragmatic examination
of the facts. As a consequence, in some countries, crucial sectors such as education
and health have been more or less dismantled and, in effect, handed over to
private interests.

The international trade union movement considers these policies to be based on
an economic analysis which is completely removed from reality. This approach
considers that government, by its very nature, is a drain on a country’s collective
wealth which is entirely generated by the private sector. This concept of the functioning
of the economy is founded on the false premise that there is a system of
wealth-creating activities on one side (the private sector) which finances a system
of non-commercial activities on the other side (the public sector). If this line of reasoning
is followed, does it mean for example that vocational training, which is
generally a public sector activity, should be considered unproductive?
The same unconditional advocates of the “free market” who assert that the private
sector habitually makes wise, well considered investments while the public
sector regularly indulges in senseless expenditure find economic justification for
the debts of the former, while condemning those of the latter. The repeatedly
imposed prescription for downsizing the public sector, leaving the role of job creation
entirely to the private sector, is part of this same dogma. So is the incessant
campaign for privatisation of public services which, in practice, has often failed to
live up to expectations. The artificial separation of the public and private sectors,
both integral and inter-dependent parts of societies and economies, is very dangerous
and must be vigorously challenged.

The obsession with the public deficit and the debt is also at the root of the repeated
attacks on the public sector. In the wake of globalisation, the need to rationalise
public finances is used to justify recurrent cuts in public expenditure. Tackling the
deficit and the debt has been used as a pretext for attacking certain public services
such as education and health, and social programmes. Although advocated on the
basis of rationalising public finances, it is being used to undermine the role of the
State. And when austerity is not imposed from outside by an organisation such as
the IMF, it is introduced by national governments themselves. On this point, it
should be recalled that the single European currency, the Euro, was not introduced
painlessly, the pursuit of convergence criteria leading several governments to adopt
many restrictive measures.

Increased competition, as a result of globalisation, has had an impact on fiscal territory.
Powerful employers’ lobbies have for many years been opposing almost all
forms of taxation, but, in particular, taxes on the wage bill, which finance social programmes.
Free trade and the free circulation of capital have led to competition
between national tax systems, resulting in widespread erosion of tax income and the
creation of a social deficit. Every country is under pressure to align its measures with
the lowest common denominator. But we are now seeing that these strategies have
literally suffocated the public sector in several countries by draining it of funds.

*partie=titre Technology *partie=nil 
The technological revolution in information processing, communications and
transportation made it much easier to create a global production chain and distribution
networks. It makes it easier for companies to integrate their subsidiaries as
well as build ties with suppliers and customers. As there is often less need for proximity,
it is easy for many MNE’s to work from and in any part of the world. The
use of newer techniques, such as e-mail, internet and video-conferences, reduce
problems of distance.

The use of IT has changed the way major companies do business. Technology and
the software that comes with it also make it possible to trade previously un-tradable
services. A good example of this is education where we are witnessing the
emergence of “virtual universities” which link up with their students via the internet
or other distance learning technologies.

The use of technology not only facilitates working across borders, it also brings
changes in work relations. More and more people are working at home or in call
centres. Production techniques are also changing. Old systems for the mass production
of standard products are being replaced by methods that allow shorter
production runs of more differentiated products.

Technology also facilitates the rapid flow of capital world-wide, making the global
capital market a reality. The fact that international financial transfers can be
done in a few seconds is not only changing the way companies behave, but is also
further encouraging financial speculation and instability.
This flexibility and mobility of production can place great pressure on workers. It
creates new challenges for trade unions, to adapt to this new environment and
rethink approaches and strategies. One of the ways for unions to adapt is to make
use of these new technologies themselves, in order to approach the speed and effi-
ciency of the companies with which they are dealing. Such technologies increase
the possibilities for communication, which is vital for international solidarity, as
well as making information gathering more accessible for many unions (for example,
there are web sites which specialise in giving daily updates of news surrounding
big companies).


*partie=titre The meaning of globalisation for workers *partie=nil 
All this leads to a globalisation which challenges workers and their trade unions.
There is the pressure put on governments to deregulate and, increasingly, to abdicate
their role. A nation-centred system with national social and economic policies helped
to create a degree of social justice and economic equity. This nationally based
approach has come under severe pressure. Due to the diminished role of national
institutions, there has been a certain shift towards the world level, but without an
international framework and institutions in place which can deal effectively with
issues of justice and equity.

An additional challenge for trade unions is the changing nature of the employer.
In a world where capital is much more mobile than workers, different forms of
business organisation and relationships have been created which can shift employment
and threaten collective bargaining relationships.

Partly as a result of the rootless character of MNE’s, a lot has changed, including
the introduction of new management methods, sometimes “best practice”, but too
often “worst practice”, and the threat to relocate to countries with lower social or
environmental standards and no independent trade unions. New forms of work
organisation have been established as well as changes in the employment relationship.
A long list of examples can be given from outsourcing, subcontracting, contract
labour and other various forms of precarious employment. Globalisation has
also helped to extend the market and the responsibility for goods produced under
extreme forms of exploitation such as child labour or forced labour.
As a result of these changes, one of the fundamental goals of organised labour, taking
workers’ rights out of competition by establishing fundamental common standards, is
under direct attack. Competitiveness and flexibility are the loudly proclaimed objectives
of enterprises in the global environment. They put workers into increasingly fierce competition
with each other, put pressure on the social safety net and, at times, effectively
undermine workers’ rights which were won through many years of struggle.

It was argued that this corporate agenda, adopted by many political leaders, was
supposed to lead to more jobs and higher living standards. Instead, it leads to a
world of increasing division between rich and poor, within and among nations,
increasing wealth and power for an elite, declining living standards for many and
growing insecurity for large numbers of working people.

The international trade union movement is seeking ways to incorporate into the
globalisation process the protections which were achieved in many countries at the
national level and to enable workers and their unions to participate effectively in
the global economy and in building a democratic framework for it. Competitive
pressures should be more on companies to produce quality products and services
and less on governments to sacrifice the interests of their people to attract and
keep investment. Workers’ rights and decent conditions should not be driven
down by competitive pressures in a situation where workers are, in effect, bidding
against other workers for lesser quality jobs.

The challenge facing trade unions in the era of globalisation is to ensure that structural
change and adaptation are achieved without compromising the goals of full
employment and social justice. We have to convince governments that it is essential
to act urgently to increase and spread more evenly world economic growth. Whether
at regional or at world level, it is clear that if basic workers’ rights are to be safe,
they must be integrated into any agreements related to economic integration.

*partie=titre 2. THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION STRUCTURE
Over One Hundred years of Trade Unionism *partie=nil 
The pioneers of international co-operation were the International Trade
Secretariats (ITS). ITS are world-wide federations of unions which unite workers
based on industry, craft or occupation. Several were formed in the late nineteenth
century and, by 1914, 33 ITS had been established. The very first international
trade union organisations were established in 1889, when the International
Federation of Boot and Shoe Operatives, the International Federation of Tobacco
Workers and the International Typographical Secretariat were created.

In the beginning, they were fairly informal structures, co-operating on a practical
level with exchange of information on the craft, trade or industry, helping travelling
journeymen, and discouraging the international transport of strike-breakers.
Around 1900, they had already enlarged their co-operation to areas such as organisational
assistance, international strike support and international standard setting.
The first international trade union organisation composed of national centres
grew out of a conference in 1901 where the most important European national
trade unions decided to create an international body. First established as the
International Secretariat of Trade Union Centres, the organisation was renamed in
1913, becoming the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU).

The period between the wars was one of name changes, the establishment and disappearance
of new international organisations, and schisms.
Following the Second World War, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU)
was established. In 1949, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
ICFTU) was founded, largely by national trade union centres which had left the
WFTU over the issue of Communist domination of that organisation. The WFTU
remained in existence, but lost most of its membership after the changes in Central
and Eastern Europe in the 1990’s.

The ICFTU, which is based on the principle that legitimate unions must be controlled
by their members and not by governments, employers or political parties,
is now by far the largest international trade union confederation. There is also the
World Confederation of Labour (WCL), a relatively small organisation based on
Christian social principles.

Also in the immediate post-war period (1948), a body was created to represent
trade unions in connection with recovery programmes in Europe. This organisation
later became the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD
TUAC).

*partie=titre International trade union organisations 
Organisations for national centres *partie=nil
The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) brings together
workers from 221 national centres in 148 countries and territories. Collectively,
156 million members are represented. It is governed by democratic structures,
including a Congress held every four years and an Executive Board which meets
annually. Both bodies determine policies for the organisation. There are also committees
which help develop policies and initiate and review activities. The headquarters
of the ICFTU are in Brussels.

A major part of the work of the ICFTU is in the area of representing trade union
interests at the international level. Representation includes speaking at public fora,
reports, statements, campaigning, lobbying and similar actions in a wide range of
areas, providing a voice for the international labour movement with international
organisations, governments, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO’s) and others.
This is done, amongst other things, through active and targeted interventions on
such priorities as the defence of trade union rights and the pursuit of greater social
and economic justice in connection with structural adjustment and development.
Being an effective, global voice for working people involves more than the crucial
role of effectively participating in the international debate. One of the other priorities
of the ICFTU is, for example, to strengthen national centres. This is not
only through defence of their interests at the international level, or in some cases
their very right to exist. It is also through such activities as training and education
of trade union leaders. Much of this activity is carried out by the ICFTU regional
organisations.

The ICFTU regional organisations are the African Regional Organisation (AFRO),
based in Nairobi, the Inter-American Organisation of Workers (ORIT), based in
Caracas, and the Asia-Pacific Regional Organisation (APRO), based in Singapore.
Although part of the ICFTU structure and covered by agreed policies, the regional
organisations have considerable autonomy to develop regional priorities and activities.
They represent the trade union movement with regional inter-governmental bodies,
on trade and other agreements negotiated on a regional basis, and they also
maintain relations with NGO’s and other groups. In this representation function,
their work is similar to that performed by the ICFTU, TUAC and ITS at the global
level.

There are also regional trade union bodies which are not part of the ICFTU
structure. One such organisation, which plays a significant role in protecting the
interests of workers in Europe, is the European Trade Union Confederation
(ETUC), based in Brussels. The ETUC was founded in 1973 and is composed
largely of ICFTU-affiliated national centres. It includes organisations in
Western, Central and Eastern Europe. Its activities include representing trade
union interests with the European Union. The ICFTU has a co-ordinating council
composed of affiliates in Central and Eastern Europe which is an additional
way for those organisations to discuss their common needs and interests and
work with the ICFTU.

The Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) to the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD), based in Paris, represents national trade
unions centres of the member countries of the OECD with the OECD. Most
TUAC affiliates are also affiliated with the ICFTU. TUAC has consultative status
with the OECD and its various committees. It co-operates closely with the ICFTU
and ITS on a wide variety of economic policy, sectoral and other issues (including
education and training, public sector management, steel, and maritime transport).
The 30 OECD member countries include most countries in Europe, Canada, the
United States, Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea and Mexico (for a
full list, see appendix 2, section on TUAC).

TUAC seeks to ensure that global markets are balanced by an effective social
dimension. Through regular consultations with various OECD committees, the
secretariat, and member governments, TUAC develops consensus positions among
its affiliates and represents those positions with the OECD on a wide range of policy
issues.

As part of its activities, TUAC prepares and presents, in co-operation with its affiliates,
the ICFTU and the ETUC, a statement to the annual Ministerial Conference
which brings together Finance Ministers from member countries. Since the beginning
of the G-7 summits in 1975, that statement has served as the basis for discussions
with heads of states and various ministries at national and international level.

*partie=titre Organisations for national trade unions *partie=nil
The organisations bringing together national trade unions on an international
level are the ITS. They are autonomous, self-governing and democratic organisations
and are associated with the ICFTU. Their role has expanded with globalisation,
as they have grown in membership and have been called upon to play a
greater role by affiliates confronted with problems that do not respond to purely
national solutions.

Unlike the ICFTU, which represents national centres, ITS have as members national
unions, which represent workers from a specific sector, industry or occupation.
ITS defend the interests of their affiliates in practical ways through various methods,
including:
• Solidarity and organisational work, which may include financial assistance or
co-ordination of actions against employers or governments;
• Information and research (of particular importance in dealing with multinationals)
and providing useful publications and studies;
• Engaging in campaigns and creating public awareness; and
• Representation of affiliate interests with MNE's, with international organisations
at the intergovernmental level, such as through sectoral work at the
International Labour Organisation (ILO), and with other organisations in the
international trade union movement.

*partie=titre 3. SECURING RIGHTS AND SETTING STANDARDS
The Universality and Indivisibility of Trade Union Rights *partie=nil 
The fundamental concern of the trade union movement has been the struggle to
secure the right of workers to form and join independent trade unions and to bargain
collectively with their employer. This is the very basis of trade union organisation
and is still its highest priority. Defending trade unions and trade union
rights under attack from any government is a main activity for the international
trade union movement.

The basic trade union rights are the right to form or join a trade union, the right
to bargain collectively and the right to strike. These trade union rights are human
rights and, as all human rights, they are universal and indivisible. General rights
for trade unionists are enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
its covenants as well as in most national constitutions and labour codes. For example,
article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights includes the following:
“everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of
his interests”.

Of particular importance for international trade union campaigns are the conventions
of the ILO. These provide an opportunity to approach disputes via an additional
angle: by putting pressure on the government of the countries concerned
through the ILO. The fundamental trade union rights are those defined in the ILO
conventions No. 87 on freedom of association and No. 98 on the right to collective
bargaining.

International trade union organisations have been fighting since their inception to
get these rights recognised by all governments and employers. Conventions No. 87
and No. 98 are integral parts of what is needed to combat the excesses of globalisation:
a strong set of labour standards securing the principal labour rights which
can be used to confront the social actors with their responsibilities.

*partie=titre International labour standards and the ILO *partie=nil 
The International labour Organisation (ILO) emerged in 1919 after a devastating
war when it was given a special responsibility to contribute to world peace. Its
constitution begins with the statement that “universal and lasting peace can be
established only if it is based upon social justice.”

Inherent in the establishment of the ILO was the recognition that freedom of association
contributes to democracy and stability inside and among nations. The
development of a system of international labour standards was seen as helping to
reduce international tensions which contribute to economic rivalry, social tensions,
and war. Interdependence was already clearly recognised at the time as
shown by the following passage from the constitution: “The failure of any nation
to adopt humane conditions of labour is an obstacle in the way of other nations
which desire to improve the conditions in their own countries.”

Although the link between the rights and conditions of workers in different countries
and the economy has always existed, a formal recognition of this came only
in 1944 with the ILO’s Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that “labour is
not a commodity.” It is that distinction between the labour of a human being and
product markets which is the essential economic basis for the protection of workers.
A few years later, in 1946, the ILO became the first specialised agency associated
with the United Nations.

*partie=titre A tripartite organisation *partie=nil 
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is based in Geneva and is the major
international body dealing with labour and labour related issues. It is also the only
body in the UN system which is tripartite, with representation of workers, employers
and governments. The ILO currently has over 170 member countries.

From the beginning it was recognised that interference in markets is necessary to
protect rights from the village to the world. Legislative protections in such areas
as wage and working hours laws, health and safety protection, and other labour
standards are such “interference”. So are collective bargaining agreements. Both
attempt to create a system of competition which is not based on exploitation of
workers. Globalisation, without mechanisms to support fundamental workers’
rights, can put workers back into competition and lead to a race to the bottom, as
countries reduce wages, taxes, welfare benefits and other social or environmental
protections to make themselves more competitive.

This is why one of the most important functions of the ILO is the development of
international labour standards. These are Conventions and Recommendations,
adopted by the tripartite International Labour Conference. Through ratification
by the member States, Conventions are intended to create binding obligations to
put their provisions into effect. Recommendations provide guidance on policy, legislation
and practice. These standards cover a wide range of issues in the world of
work, including freedom of association, the right to organise and bargain collectively,
forced labour, child labour, equality, labour administration, industrial relations,
employment policy, working conditions, social security, occupational safety
and health. So far, more than 180 conventions and even more recommendations
have been adopted.

The ILO is not only charged with developing international conventions and recommendations,
it also has a system of supervision which monitors efforts by member
governments to ratify conventions. The ILO also examines laws and practices
in terms of their conformity to ILO standards. That system includes a Committee
of Experts which examines compliance with a list of conventions each year and a
committee at the annual International Labour Conference which discusses the
report of the Experts and, in turn, reports to the full conference.
In addition, the ILO Governing Body, which guides the work of the ILO along
with the annual International Labour Conferences, has a Committee on Freedom
of Association which analyses complaints from trade union and employers’ organisations
concerning violations of the right to organise. It is this committee, in cooperation
with the committee of Experts which has defined the jurisprudence of
Conventions 87 and 98 to include the right to strike.
The ILO also holds sectoral meetings, bringing together people from workers’ and
employers’ organisations, as well as from governments’ representatives, doing
work in a specific sector.

Other main functions of the ILO include formulating international policies and
programmes to promote basic human rights, improve working and living conditions
and enhance employment opportunities. It has an extensive programme of
international technical co-operation formulated and implemented in an active
partnership with constituents to help countries in making these policies effective
in practice. These efforts involve training, education, research and publishing.

*partie=titre 4. AN INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE *partie=nil 
Of course it is one thing to establish a standard and quite another to observe one.
One of the most important concerns of trade unions with respect to globalisation
is that international competition has caused a failure to respect labour standards
as governments participate in a race to the bottom.

Some violations have been caused or aggravated by government implementation
IMF or World Bank conditions or other international pressures. Many complaints have
been related to government failure to force corporations to respect trade union rights.
But most come from authoritarian governments who fear any independent force
society, and particularly trade unions, which have a popular base and, therefore, power.

The adoption of the Declaration on fundamental workers’ rights in 1998 was only
one of the episodes in a struggle to establish and strengthen the observance of international
labour standards as part of an international economic framework. It complements
efforts to establish links between workers’ rights and international economic
activity.

*partie=titre International Financial Institutions *partie=nil 
The ICFTU has led efforts to intervene with the international financial institutions
to encourage them to examine the social effects of their policies and to consult
with trade unions. Those bodies have also been asked to urge governments to cooperate
with the social partners on the development and implementation of economic
policies. There has been some progress. The International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank have become more open to dialogue and social measures are,
in some cases, given serious consideration. The World Bank has involved the
ICFTU and the ITS in the production of its annual World Development Reports
on several occasions.

The ICFTU, together with the Workers Group of the ILO, has been making efforts
to get that organisation more active in trying to influence the policies and methods
of the international financial institutions. The trade union movement is seek-
ing, through discussions at the highest levels, to convince those institutions that it
is necessary to adopt policies that lead to both social and economic progress.
“One-size-fits-all” austerity programmes, imposed on countries in need of assistance,
overemphasise methods like privatisation, balancing state budgets through
drastic cuts in public services and the use of high interest rates, without giving suf-
ficient attention to the social consequences to workers, who are often the first victims
of such adjustment programmes. Another way to try to influence World Bank
policies is shown by the IFBWW campaign for minimum labour standards in loan
agreements (see box).

*partie=titre Workers’ rights in trade and investment agreements *partie=nil 
The ICFTU has an ongoing campaign to link workers’ rights with trade agreements.
It has traditionally been referred to as the “social clause” or the “workers’
rights clause”. It is one way of addressing the problem of nations trying to gain
unfair advantage through the exploitation of workers and the violation of their
most fundamental rights. The idea of a workers’ rights clause is to ensure that fundamental
workers’ rights embodied in the ILO Declaration on Fundamental
Principles and Rights at Work become an integral part of trade agreements. This
would require close co-operation on implementation between the World Trade
Organisation and the ILO. A workers’ rights clause could make it easier for workers
to form unions. It would ensure that all governments took serious measures to
tackle child labour and other abuses of basic workers’ rights. It would provide a
partial counterweight to the negative pressures on good labour relations in the
global economy and could influence the behaviour of powerful corporations.
The focus of this work is the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Concrete measures
have not yet been taken by the WTO on developing this linkage, due to the opposition
of many right-wing governments in the WTO and the fear of some developing
countries about protectionism. However, there is growing interest in the issue by governments.
The ICFTU has been endeavouring to ensure that the WTO should set up
a working group or a forum on the subject of labour standards and trade. The developments
surrounding the WTO conference in Seattle in 1999, and actions at a number
of later international meetings in different cities around the world, caused for this
campaign to make the news headlines world-wide. 

The ICFTU has, as a part of this ongoing campaign, been providing information to
the WTO and to member governments on fundamental workers’ rights legislation
and practices in connection with reviews of the trade policies of individual countries.

On investment issues, the international trade union movement has also insisted on
linkage. At the WTO, the OECD and with UN agencies, in particular the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the ICFTU, TUAC
and ITS have argued that investors must have responsibilities for good behaviour
associated with new investment rights. National governments should maintain
and, in many cases, increase their respect for basic workers’ rights as part of international
investment agreements. The failure of the Multilateral Agreement on
Investment (MAI) showed that future agreements must be more balanced and
respond to the concerns of trade unions and other elements of civil society.
Simultaneously with pressures for global integration, regional economic and trading
blocs - for example, the European Union and NAFTA - have developed. This
further limited the prerogatives of individual governments, in part because multinational
enterprises were able to influence the development of regional and global
trade and investment policies and agreements. MNE’s managed to see their
interests reflected as measures to protect investors are increasingly incorporated in
regional agreements and hundreds of bilateral agreements. Trade unions are
increasingly playing a role in relation to the growing number of bilateral trade and
investment negotiations (e.g. New Zealand – Hong Kong, Japan – Korea, United
States – Australia and EU – Mercosur).

At the regional level, the ICFTU Regional Organisations, AFRO, APRO and
ORIT, have promoted linkage in the context of regional and sub-regional trade
and economic agreements as well as providing support to global efforts. In
Europe, the ETUC has fought to include the social dimension in all aspects of
European integration. An example of this is the European Union Generalised
System of Preferences (GSP) which now includes certain basic workers’ rights as a
result of a trade union campaign by the ICFTU and the ETUC (see box).


*partie=titre The national response *partie=nil 
This guide emphasises the role of international trade union co-operation in meeting the
challenge of globalisation. An important part of making progress at the regional and
international levels on establishing a social framework for globalisation and some rules
for the global market, is the full and effective involvement of trade unionists in their own
countries. Collective action by governments is necessary if globalisation is to mean more
than the sacrifice of social protections and workers’ rights and the erosion of democracy.
Democratic governments still respond to national concerns. The success of efforts to relink
social and economic progress will depend on the activities of trade unionists where
they live and vote. Trade unions must shape the national response to globalisation by
putting pressure on their governments to support and not inhibit constructing the international
framework. Pressure of the global marketplace and international competition
has all too often led many governments to adopt the wrong response by de-linking social
and economic progress.

Social dialogue between governments, trade unions, employers and other representatives
bodies is also necessary to build consensus over national social and economic development
goals and means of action. Strong social institutions, including free trade unions,
are vital to the development of human resources and the mediation of disputes about the
allocation of resources.

The competitive advantage will lie with those countries that have strong social cohesion
built on investment in education and training, health-care and a sound industrial relations
system, founded on core labour standards. The most successful countries, both
developed and developing, will be those with institutions that are able to balance and
rebalance the market pressures of flexibility and dynamism with the social pressures for
security and dignity. People must be entitled to a say on their terms and conditions of
employment, and on economic development.

*partie=titre 5. MULTINATIONAL ENTERPRISES *partie=nil 
The international trade union world has devoted much attention to multinational
enterprises as their role in the world economy has increased steadily in the decades
following the Second World War. At the beginning of this new century, the combined
sales of the top 200 corporations exceed the combined income of all countries
minus the largest ten. More than 50 of the world’s leading 100 economies are
MNE’s, not countries.

The conduct of MNE’s is not necessarily better or worse than that found in purely
national or local companies. They are, at times, better placed to carry improvements
in working conditions and development. However, they can also help drive
a race to the bottom.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is a very important factor in all this, as it is one of the
main forces behind the growing power of MNE’s. FDI involves more than multinationals
establishing a facility in a country. It includes a wide and complex variety of
investments, ventures and co-operation schemes. FDI may be the purchase of controlling
interests in established enterprises, including privatised state operations, joint
ventures with national firms or other MNE’s, consortiums involving several companies
or other forms of co-operation, including licensing and operating agreements.

*partie=titre MNE’s and trade unions *partie=nil 
The overall behaviour of MNE’s has changed. One trend, for instance, is the change
of management methods towards more important local organisations. It is often no
longer a question of one big decision maker at the top and a lot of followers. As
companies grow bigger, more responsibilities are given to local management. Sadly,
lower national social standards may be one of the reasons for this change. It is this
context that good and enforceable corporate business principles and some form of
global social partnership become important.

In dealing with MNE’s, it is important, but not always easy, to identify the real
decision-makers in the company. For example, on labour relations issues, the head
office often says that all decisions are made by local management. Local management
may say that they have no control because decisions are being made elsewhere.
Although, decision-making is, in fact, not the same within every company,
one must assume that there is some role for the parent company. It may be necessary
to establish that the ultimate responsibility is at the headquarters level, especially
if corporate behaviour violates fundamental workers’ rights.

This is one of many areas where ITS play a central role. They are the best placed
organisations for dealing with problems arising out of these complex situations,
simply because this is their field of work and they have the experience, information
and necessary connections with unions inside industries all over the world.
Another aspect of globalisation is the increasing power of MNE’s. MNE’s have the
power to disrupt collective bargaining agreements or bargaining structures. With the
ever present threat of relocation to countries with low wages, low standards and a low
degree of organisation, MNE’s are in a strong position to put pressure on trade unions
and their workers, as well as their governments, to accept whatever they are proposing.
Also a consequence of the new “world order” is the ability for MNE’s to do business
in countries which were inaccessible a few years ago. MNE’s have the possibility
to operate in countries where external control of their practices is difficult if
not impossible (China, for example). Add to this a very complex structure of subcontractors,
sub-subcontractors (often with steps further down the line), suppliers,
outsourcing, networks, etc., and the need for strong international trade union
structures, with the necessary expertise and financial resources, becomes apparent.

*partie=titre MNE’s and Governments *partie=nil 
The growing role of MNE’s in the world economy has affected the behaviour of
national and local governments. Sometimes it seems as if there is as much or more
competition among governments for investment than there is among companies
for market share. There are all kinds of incentives, from tax holidays and infrastructure
construction to training assistance and special laws.

One such incentive is the creation of Export Processing Zones (EPZ’s), also called
Free Trade Zones (FTZ’s), which allow parts to come in, be assembled or processed
and exported without entering into the domestic economy, thus avoiding
customs payments. There is a heavy concentration of women workers in export
processing zones. They are often subjected to ill treatment and violation of their
rights, in some cases extreme exploitation and abuse. Workers in EPZ’s are also
usually employed when they are young and are often dismissed after a few years
of service. EPZ’s can be found in all regions of the world.

The international trade union movement is particularly concerned about exceptions
to labour laws and/or practices such as investment incentives. Sometimes
such exceptions are part of EPZ creation or may even apply to whole regions or
countries. As trade liberalisation continues and tariff barriers are reduced, EPZ’s
may become less important elements of development policy. Such a change will
not, however, reduce the temptation to lure investment through exploitation.
More information on EPZ’s can be found in the ICFTU brochure entitled: “Behind the
wire”. The brochure is available on the ICFTU web-site: “http://www.icftu.org/displaydocument.
asp?Index=990917141”. It can also be obtained through contacting the ICFTU.
As they grow bigger and more powerful, MNE’s become more important for their
respective governments. They are seen as important contributors to their home
economy and may become part of government foreign policy priorities. The governments
of the most developed market economies determine the economic policies
of the key multilateral financial institutions which in turn promote an agenda of
privatisation, deregulation, and encouragement of foreign direct investment, further
strengthening the position of MNE’s.

As a direct consequence of privatisation, MNE’s are also playing an important role
in the public services sector world-wide, where some of them are more motivated
by profit than by service to the public. In many countries, MNE’s already operate
in a wide range of areas which have been traditionally part of the public sector.
Some examples are: utilities (water, energy, telecommunications and transport),
public services (environmental services such as refuse collection, health care, prisons,
housing, social services, etc.) and support services (cleaning, catering, information
technology, finance, facilities security, etc.).

*partie=titre International instruments and codes of conduct *partie=nil 
There are two major corporate codes of conduct which international business, as
well as governments and trade unions have pledged to support: the ILO Tripartite
Declaration of Principles concerning Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy
and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, which has been revised
in June 2000 (see box and Appendix 4). They both cover a whole range of issues,
including industrial relations, health and safety, and the environment.

There are also hundreds of unilaterally adopted corporate codes of conduct, some
better in content than others. The ICFTU believes that all such codes should include
the fundamental workers’ rights standards incorporated in the 1998 ILO Declaration.
Next to this, there are a number of framework agreements which have been negotiated
by some ITS. Unlike unilateral codes, these are negotiated agreements with
procedures to resolve problems.

The existence of corporate codes of conduct may indicate some sense of corporate
responsibility or may simply result from brand name vulnerability to public pressure.
Regardless of type, it may be useful to know about such codes and to use them
to help try to change the relationship with the company or open up a dialogue.
They may, at times be useful as a way to measure corporate behaviour and seek
improvements in that behaviour, particularly as part of larger efforts to get companies
to accept some of the responsibilities of globalisation.

The ICFTU has developed its own code of conduct which can be used as a reference
tool for trade unionists discussing codes with employers (see appendix 5).

*partie=titre International Industrial Relations *partie=nil 
Although the economy is global, there is no legal framework for any form of international
industrial relations. Even the ILO conventions, while developed at the
international level, are intended to be applied by national governments. The principles
contained in those conventions, however, are valid for globalisation as well.
An international framework for social justice should logically include a framework
for industrial relations. But just as the earliest trade unions and collective
agreements preceded a national legal framework, it would be reasonable to
expect that international industrial relations will evolve as MNE’s become
engaged in one way or another with international trade union organisations.
Although there are no legal obligations on individual companies or industries to
recognise trade union organisations or engage in negotiations at the international
level, limited international social dialogue is beginning, not just in the context
of the ILO’s tripartite structure, but with individual enterprises as well. On the
trade union side, structures already exist - ITS - which can form part of the basis
for international industrial relations at both industry and company levels.

*partie=titre Company Councils *partie=nil 
Trade unions already have established world company councils, regional company
councils and formal as well as informal networks of trade unions representing
workers employed by the same company. These are, for the most part, structures
which organise meetings where trade unionists from different countries, but
working for a common employer, can get together to discuss a wide range of
issues. They are used for different purposes, from improving conditions at home
through the experience of others to real global co-operation in trade union work.

In spite of the fact that there are a few practical problems with this system, including
the expense of holding international meetings, the complications of trade union pluralism,
and language barriers, regional and world councils continue to be vital trade
union links. Information technology can facilitate building networks inside companies
and can become “virtual” company councils or can contribute to the work of
existing structures. Company councils are established and maintained by ITS.
Inside the European Union, under the European Works Council Directive, a system
is in place which requires multinational enterprises to have meetings with representatives
of the workers for information and consultation purposes. 

*partie=titre Framework Agreements *partie=nil 
Framework agreements negotiated between MNE’s and ITS are agreements on certain
principles which, while they do not constitute collective bargaining agreements
in the same sense as agreements reached at the national or local levels, provide
a rights framework to encourage recognition and bargaining to take place at
those levels.

There are many possible structures, involving different types of information and
consultation arrangements and the inclusion of one or more references to internationally
recognised standards. The ILO conventions 87 and 98 on the right to
organise and collective bargaining are of particular relevance in this process.
Follow-up, review, and monitoring mechanisms may also be incorporated.

*partie=titre THE DANONE - IUF AGREEMENT *partie=nil
A significant breakthrough in international industrial relations are the agreements
between the IUF and the French food industry giant Danone (formerly BSN). In 1988
the General Secretary of the IUF and Director of Human Resources of Danone
signed a "Common Viewpoint" which pledged both management of the MNE and the
trade unions representing Danone employees to work jointly in five areas: training
and skills development, access to company information by trade unions, promoting
gender equality, trade union rights and employment.

Since the adoption of this pioneering agreement the company meets annually with
trade unions grouped under the banner of the IUF. Progress has been made to flesh
out the meaning of union - management co-operation in each of the five areas
through a series of "framework agreements" reached internationally but whose
implementation is left to bargaining at either the national or local level. In 1989
"framework agreements" were reached spelling out the minimum social and economic
information that workers and their trade unions would need in order to
understand their respective divisions of the company and an agreement on equal
treatment between men and women which pledged the formulation of an action plan
and joint initiatives to achieve this goal.

In 1991 the IUF and Danone announced the development of joint training programs
and in May 1994 the IUF and Danone signed an historic charter on trade union rights
in which Danone agreed to guarantee the full exercise of recognised trade union
rights throughout all of its operations. In 1996 came another historic agreement to
constitute a global Information and Consultation Committee, made up of management
representatives and trade union delegates under the co-ordination of the IUF,
with regions outside Europe being represented by the IUF Regional Secretaries for
Africa, Asia/Pacific, Latin America and North America. This Committee is mandated
to negotiate and implement practical measures on a wide range of policy issues. This
was followed in 1997 by the signing of a “Joint Understanding in the Event of Changes
in Business Activities Affecting Employment or Working Conditions”.

The experience has been that local managements are not always prepared to put into
effect many of the innovations in the framework agreements and that progress made
at the local level is not always reported to the IUF. Nor have all trade unions taken
advantage of the opportunities provided by the framework agreements. For instance,
although the company employs a high proportion of women in its manufacturing facilities,
only a few women's committees have been established at workplace level and
few have been established within the unions. Nevertheless, the agreements have led
to concrete programs with respect to equality and training at the local level and they
are steps that build the international industrial relations that trade unions will need
to meet the challenges of MNE’s. The lesson is that understandings between trade
unions and MNE’s reached internationally increase rather than decrease the importance
of local trade union organisations.

*partie=titre PART II
THE INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION
OF TRADE UNION WORK *partie=nil
Part II focuses on some of the most practical aspects of international solidarity including
the importance of affiliation to international organisations and the basic suggestions
for requesting and providing assistance internationally. Part II also stresses the
vital role of obtaining and sharing information as well as some elements for success
in international trade union campaigns.

*partie=titre 6. SOLIDARITY, NOT CHARITY *partie=nil
Whether they know it or not, workers who try to organise a trade union or who find
themselves in a difficult collective bargaining situation, have trade unions all over the
world on their side. International trade union solidarity can give strength to workers
in crises and in more and more cases each year, it has made a difference. But international
solidarity means more than answering calls for help from workers in desperate
situations. International solidarity includes a wide range of mutual assistance.
Trade unions can show solidarity by sharing information about the common
employer with trade unions in other countries. Trade unions, by consulting with
their foreign counterpart before making decisions that affect the members of their
counterpart unions, are also showing solidarity. Ensuring that the international
activities of a trade union also contribute to the strengthening of the organisations
of the international trade union movement is showing solidarity as well.

*partie=titre Recognising the international dimension *partie=nil
The foundation of international solidarity is the recognition by trade unions that there
is an international dimension to their work. At the very least, consideration of the
international dimension should take place where there are any international commercial
connections. Such connections may not be readily apparent. Sometimes there is
an international solution to a problem with no international aspect. For instance,
respect for trade union rights is always an international concern.

In placing demands on workers, many employers, including multinational companies,
find it convenient to appeal to national interests by stressing international
competition. Just as workers must distinguish between those interests they share
with the employer and those they do not, trade unionists must distinguish where
purely national considerations are the most important and where they are not.
Recognising the international dimension means recognising that globalisation is
increasing the occasions where international solidarity applies.
Ideally, every national trade union should have someone who deals with international
questions and who is responsible for contact with international trade union
organisations. It is essential that the person or persons responsible for international
affairs work closely with other parts of the trade union involved in such
areas as organising, research and collective bargaining, so that international contacts
and solidarity become an integral part of trade union life. If there are local
structures which have the responsibility for dealing with companies, they should
be connected in some way with the person or persons who are responsible for
international work.

International affairs should be a regular part of trade union education. Workers
should not be dependent exclusively on the press, employers or the government for
information. The union has a duty to provide the opportunity for members to
become informed about all aspects of trade unionism. Just as international solidarity
is becoming more important, so does the need for including international
issues in the labour education programmes of trade unions. Experiences show
that, once trade union members, including shop stewards and other officers, are
exposed to international solidarity questions, they quickly appreciate their importance.
Trade unions should therefore consider organising courses on international
trade union activity, with a priority given to practical solidarity action.
Training trade union officers and staff to function internationally may also be necessary.
Although learning about international trade union work is not difficult,
nobody is born with this knowledge. In some circumstances, there may be a need
to include language training. One potentially valuable way to further develop the
capacity for international work is to send members of staff to the headquarters of
an international trade union body or a trade union organisation in another country
to learn and work for a period of time.

Of course, international solidarity is not a substitute for strength at the work place
or for proper planning and strategy in dealing with an employer. In fact, the international
dimension should be part of the planning process and incorporated into
the trade union’s overall strategy.

*partie=titre The first step is to join *partie=nil 
It takes much more than a speech, a resolution or a good intention to build an
international trade union movement. Following the same logic as in building any
trade union, the first step is to join. Just as workers build permanent, independent
and representative organisations that are trade unions, the international trade
union movement is built with permanent independent and representative organisations.
The legitimacy of trade unions as the representatives of workers comes
from the extent and involvement of their memberships and their democratic structures.
The ability of a trade union to represent workers requires legitimacy, but it
also requires a permanent and independent organisation established and supported
by the workers themselves. For workers and their trade unions, the logical
response to globalisation is to strengthen the permanent and independent organisations
that constitute the international trade union movement.

Solidarity, unlike charity, is a two-way street. It means accepting mutual responsibility.
The essence of solidarity is mutual aid. And the most effective and meaningful
assistance to workers can be delivered through organisation. Affiliating to
the appropriate international trade union organisation is an important step
towards international solidarity.

Of course, joining is only the first step. Participating in meetings, solidarity actions
and campaigns, following-up requests for or seeking information, responding to
questionnaires and circulars are all part of building a strong international trade
union movement.

*partie=titre Who joins what? *partie=nil 
The building blocks of the international trade union movement are national trade
union organisations, that is national unions and national centres. These are the
organisations that affiliate with the international trade union organisations.
National centres, which group the trade unions in a country in order to provide a
voice for all workers in the communities of their respective countries, have their
own international organisation, the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions (ICFTU). The ICFTU, a democratic organisation representing the overwhelming
majority of the world’s trade unions, is the leading international trade
union organisation for national centres.

Just as national centres provide the collective voice for workers to influence the
policies of governments in their respective countries, the ICFTU provides the voice
for workers with international organisations such as the various bodies of the
United Nations system. Just as national centres are the means by which trade
unions forge common policies, the ICFTU is the vehicle for the world’s trade unions
to achieve common ground. Just as national centres defend the right of workers to
join trade unions and work to ensure that trade unions play an important role in
national economic and political life, the ICFTU fights for the universal application
of workers’ rights and promotes the role of trade unions everywhere.

More than ever, workers must engage the intergovernmental organisations that
can shape international economic and political relations and policies. But, just as
trade unions must assert their legitimacy in order to sit at the bargaining table, the
struggle to win a seat where the international framework for globalisation is
formed, requires organisation.

Moreover, the struggle for trade union rights is an international struggle that
requires a global voice for organised workers. The ICFTU provides the link
between those countries where trade unions rights are respected and those where
they are not. This role could not be played if the ICFTU represented state-controlled
or employer dominated labour organisations.

These same functions are performed on a regional basis by the ICFTU organisations
composed of national centres in these regions: AFRO in Africa, ORIT in the
Americas and APRO in Asia.

The international organisations of national trade unions, the International Trade
Secretariats (ITS), group trade unions by industry or sector. Because ITS affiliates
are directly engaged with employers, the ITS are the international trade union
organisations with the closest contact and familiarity with multinational and other
enterprises. For trade unions, the ITS are the best international sources of information
about industries, sectors and enterprises. They are also the best means for trade
unions to share this kind of information internationally and they are the primary
and best means for engaging the common employer internationally. In almost all
situations, they are the most effective means for a trade union to obtain interna-
tional support in disputes. The affiliates of ITS should be the focal point for channelling
information and requests in this process, on their own behalf and on behalf
of the local level union structures that may be the primary party in the action.
Sometimes trade unions represent workers in more sectors than are covered by a single
ITS. In such cases, it is important for the trade union to affiliate with and participate
in more than one ITS. Unless this is done, not all of the members of the union
will be represented internationally and they will not benefit from these services and
international links. Generally, trade unions with membership in different sectors - as
those sectors are divided internationally - should affiliate to the various ITS on the
basis of the members the trade union represents in a given industry or sector.
Through working with an ITS, valuable bilateral relations with affiliated trade
unions in other countries may be established. This can complement the solidarity
which is provided by the ITS itself. In some circumstances, the national centres can
also be very helpful in assisting their affiliates with international work and in
establishing contacts with other unions.

The ITS share common principles with the ICFTU but they are autonomous
organisations composed of, and controlled by, affiliated national unions. There are
many differences in ITS structures and in the services provided by them. These
reflect their respective histories and traditions, as well as the nature of the industries
or sectors in which they work and the trade unions which they represent.

*partie=titre 7. PRACTICAL INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY *partie=nil 
International solidarity works, particularly if it accompanies and supports effective
national action. In some countries, the mere threat of action by international
trade union organisations has been sufficient to achieve settlements, secure the
reinstatement of sacked union leaders or end legal attacks on unions.

*partie=titre The range of international solidarity *partie=nil 
Perhaps the best known part of international solidarity is the co-ordination of protest
or solidarity messages, but it is much more than that. It involves other activities, including
participating in international campaigns, establishing contacts or organising meetings
between those trade unions which represent the workers employed in the countries
where a multinational company operates. It may also mean co-ordinating publicity,
exchanging experiences, intervening with inter-governmental and other organisations,
or participating in world or regional company councils and other formal and
informal networks of trade unions organised around specific multinational companies.
Solidarity can also be financial, although means may be limited. Trade unions may
face massive costs because of attacks by employers or governments, fines or other
legal actions which threaten their ability to defend their members’ interests.
In recent years, there has been a significant tightening in legal restrictions on union
rights to take industrial action around the world. Secondary boycott action and other
forms of solidarity have been amongst the principal targets for anti-union legislation.
Employers have also become much more aggressive in using the law. Sanctions that
can be used against trade unions for even minor breaches of the law are often out of
all proportion to the seriousness of the action, including huge fines for damages,
seizure of assets or even imprisonment of officials.

It is clear that trade unions must work vigorously to amend and repeal these antiunion
laws and to secure the right to undertake solidarity action both nationally and
internationally. Globalisation should not combine increased freedom of action for
companies across boundaries while restricting the rights of workers to act globally.
Experience shows that the law can also be an excuse as well as a genuine reason for
not taking action. It is much easier to simply say “the law prevents us from doing anything”,
rather than “we can do the following”. As some doors close, others may open.
Delivering effective international solidarity action should mean concentrating on
what can, rather than on what cannot be done.

Solidarity does not necessarily have to be prompted by a dispute. There is also the
work of anticipating and preventing disputes through, for example, established relations
with a company which may include a global agreement. Solidarity is a way of
thinking which is best expressed through democratic organisation and participation.

*partie=titre Requesting and showing international solidarity *partie=nil 
The essence of solidarity is requesting and providing assistance. These acts are
rarely as simple as they sound. The amount and quality of help offered is influ-
enced by how it was requested. For trade unions, requesting and showing international
solidarity involves many of the same principles that apply nationally, but
there are also some important differences.

*partie=titre Appreciating differences *partie=nil 
One important difference is really only a matter of degree. It is easy to over-estimate
the understanding that trade unionists in other countries may have of any situation.
Trade unionists often think that things must work about the same way in
other countries as they do at home. One should not assume that trade unions in
other countries will understand every system of industrial relations or the labour
practices in another country. Lack of understanding by others of specific, relevant
features of laws or practices can limit the effectiveness of solidarity. In showing
solidarity, foreign trade union organisations may need to answer questions about
industrial relations and labour practices in the country concerned. Such questions
could arise, for example, in meetings with the company concerned, its overseas
partners, government officials or the media.

This also applies to the details of a particular dispute. What may be widely reported
or is common knowledge in one country may not be reported or known at all
in other countries. Even the ITS, which is likely to have more information, cannot
be expected to have all the relevant details unless they are provided. Failure to provide
full and accurate information has on occasion led to serious setbacks for the
trade union seeking help. This has occurred where trade unions, sending solidarity
messages or making representations to the home country management of an
MNE, have had their facts challenged or corrected by the government or the
MNE. In the most serious of these situations, the basis of solidarity is destroyed
along with the credibility of the trade union seeking help. At the very least, the
government or MNE has been provided with an excuse.

Trade unions requesting trade unions in other countries to undertake specific activities
may, at times, be disappointed by the response their requests receive. Some activities,
which in the eyes of the requesting organisation would seem to be very effective, are
sometimes not possible or appropriate in other countries. On the other hand, trade
unions in other countries may be able to achieve the desired result by using other means.
Another difference in international activity is the time that it may take to get
something done. Because international meetings are expensive and take a long
time to organise, they are not held very often. Good working relationships
between individual trade unionists in different countries often take some time to
develop. Other practical problems such as language differences can also add time.
Because the required time and effort to provide information, assistance or coordination
may be greater than anticipated, the importance of contacting international
organisations early should not be under-estimated.


*partie=titre Respecting structures *partie=nil 
One way where requesting and showing solidarity is similar at both the national and
55 international level is the importance of respecting the structures of, and relationships
between, trade union organisations. Trade unions are democratic organisations.
Respecting other trade unionists’ structures is not being bureaucratic, it is simply
respecting trade union democracy. Sometimes trade unions, in attempting to request
or show international solidarity, do things that they would not think of doing within
their own countries. Often, the reasons for this are unfamiliarity with other countries
or with international organisations. Sometimes, in an emergency, appeals for
help are made to anyone and every one and insufficient attention is given to the
importance of informing or consulting the various organisations that should be
informed or consulted first. Although such action is understandable, these simple
oversights may mean that valuable time is lost owing to unnecessary misunderstandings.
It is best and most effective to apply a sort of trade union golden rule -
treat others the way you would like and expect to be treated.

Both in requesting and showing solidarity, it is important to keep the fabric of
affiliations and counterparts in mind. The ICFTU and ITS have identified the following
situations where informing and consulting other trade union organisations
is especially important for successful international trade union co-operation:
1. Trade union counterparts should be informed and consulted when contacting
non-trade union organisations or trade union organisations in other countries
that do not share a common international affiliation;
2. National trade unions should involve their national centre when contacting
national centres in other countries;
3. ITS affiliates should inform the ITS of bilateral requests for assistance;
4. National centres should inform the ICFTU and its regional organisations of
requests for assistance made by organisations from other countries; and
5. When solidarity actions or campaigns involve at least one national centre or the
ICFTU, national centres in other countries where assistance is sought should be
informed or included in the campaign.

National trade unions have several routes to request and show solidarity - through the
national centre, directly with foreign counterparts and through their ITS. As already
stated, in cases involving particular companies, the most efficient means of securing
international co-operation is nearly always to begin to build support through the ITS.
Although in some cases it is possible that the ITS and others may not be able to
help, one should not assume that this is the case. In addition, if a trade union discovers
that the international relationships of an employer are outside of its industry
and beyond the jurisdiction of its ITS, the union should go ahead and contact
the ITS anyway. ITS have relationships with one another and work together in
many such situations. The ITS also co-operate with the ICFTU, the TUAC and
others. In many circumstances, national centres can, and do, contribute to international
solidarity on specific disputes with companies.

In very serious cases, it may be useful if a representative of another trade union, which
has a collective bargaining agreement with the parent company, and/or an ITS repre-
sentative visits the union and personally learns, on the spot, about the dispute or
problem. This may also considerably strengthen the commitment to and effectiveness
of international solidarity action. Another way is for workers or officials from the
union in dispute to visit, with ITS backing, other countries to generate solidarity.
A few general principles for contacting the ITS, which make international solidarity
work easier, are mentioned in the checklists on requesting and showing solidarity.
Of course, the general principles in these checklists should also be applied
by national centres in their relationship with the ICFTU.

Trade unions which are effectively involved in international work take the ITS
work seriously, including helping other trade unions whenever they can, even if it
is something as simple as a message of solidarity from time to time. Such active
unions are, of course, the best placed to receive solidarity help from others.
International work should be more than the fire brigade or ambulance function. It
is building ongoing relationships, support, and understanding, which will help
everybody do better work in our common trade union mission. No group of workers
has a guaranteed immunity from attacks on jobs, union rights or working conditions.
In some cases trade unions depend for their very survival on the ability of
unions in other countries to deliver solidarity when it is needed.

*partie=titre 8. COMPANY INFORMATION AND RESEARCH *partie=nil 
Globalisation not only means that there is now an added dimension for trade union
work, it also greatly increases the importance of work that many trade unions already
do. In two basic areas of trade union work, organising and collective bargaining, the
presence of a multinational enterprise often means additional research and preparation.

*partie=titre Finding information *partie=nil 
If unions want to take advantage of whatever international connections may exist, it is
necessary to do at least some basic research. This does not mean that trade unions must
have full-time professional researchers. Much basic research does not have to be costly
or time consuming. It may be enough in certain cases to have some experience with
research and to know how and where to obtain information.

As most ITS play an important part in company research and in documenting working
conditions in the industry or sector, participation in ITS meetings, exchanging documents,
good personal contacts and relations are all of great value for building valuable
background information. The ITS may be able to help with research or provide tips to
affiliated unions about gathering information. They are also the source for a great deal
of information on companies and industries, not only facts and figures, but insights into
corporate practices and cultures. Often the answer to the most difficult questions lies in
knowing the right person who can assist in getting it. The ITS may be the best source for
a variety of contacts including other trade unions, friendly organisations, local companies
or MNE’s. As solidarity is always a two-way street, it is not only important to have
good relations with ITS and their contacts, it is also important for trade unions to have
resources and to serve as contact points themselves. Research is not only important for
the trade union itself, it also means that others can be provided with the information they
may need.

Probably the most essential information about a company is who owns it. Establishing
this contributes to an understanding of the decision-makers and is a first test for the presence
of an international dimension. Altogether too often trade unions fail to make this
test only to discover in the middle of a dispute that the company is foreign-owned. It
needs to be determined whether a company is a wholly-owned or a partially owned subsidiary
of an MNE, whether it is a joint venture or whether it has some other form of
financial relationships.

A basic fact about ownership is whether a company issues stock, which may be purchased
by members of the public, or whether it is owned by an individual, a family or
others and is not traded on the stock market. Generally, there is more information on
publicly traded companies and it is easier to obtain. This is because in a lot of countries
these companies must comply with more reporting requirements than non-public companies
and because they are studied by organisations supplying information to investors.
Companies which do not have stock which is traded on the stock market are not subject
to as much scrutiny. Generally, it takes more effort and a different approach to obtain
information about these companies.

There is often less public information available on smaller MNE’s, which may be
controlled by a financial holding company or which can be privately held. However,
in many cases, there is a wealth of information about such companies informally
available at the local level in company publications, from transferred managers, etc.
Research, analysis and planning in some form or another will be most effective if it is
ongoing. In other words, it may be much easier to act if the effort to track company
strategies and changes has already been made on a continuous basis, with or without
professional assistance, rather than trying to do everything in an emergency.
Just as no two disputes are the same, there is no standard set of facts valid for all
actions or campaigns. Also, changes make it necessary to update facts and figures
and other information regularly. The set of questions in the box ‘facts about the
enterprise’ may be helpful in assembling basic information. In using this, it is
important to keep in mind that, in case of a dispute, the information should be
provided to other organisations as soon as possible. If you do not have all the
facts, forward the information you have, provided it’s accurate. It is always possible
to provide the extra information at a later stage.

Information on a company can be obtained from government and commercial
sources as well as from the company itself. Company press releases, newsletters,
bulletins and, for publicly-traded companies, the annual report, are all useful.
However, it must be borne in mind that company sources will only contain information
that the company wants to be known.

More critical and analytic information can be obtained from commercial sources.
They include general business and financial journals, for example, the Financial
Times and the Wall Street Journal, as well as national and international trade and
industry publications. Commercial reference books including company directories
that are designed to provide information for investors and other businesses are also
available. These books are expensive but may be found in reference libraries.
Government records would include corporate and partnership registration records,
court records as well as records of regulatory agencies which are often publicly available.
The ITS will be familiar with most of the commercial sources of information
available about companies in their respective sectors.
Most company, commercial and government sources are also available on the
internet, and increasingly so. As it is still expanding on a daily basis and as more
and more people all over the world gain access to it, the internet has become one
of the most important tools for research. 

Other useful information on an MNE may be obtained from the company’s competitors,
its suppliers and from public officials who deal with the company. Certain
information, often the most valuable, must be obtained locally. An often underutilised
resource is the information and knowledge of the workers in the company.
While an individual worker may only see a piece of the company, collectively,
workers know almost everything about the production and distribution systems,
the suppliers and the customers of their company. They will also know the changes
that have occurred or those that are being planned. Trade unions are in the best
position to gather company information from workers. Company networks built
around the ITS are the best means to get this information where it is needed.

*partie=titre Research and the international dimension *partie=nil 
Just as research, planning and preparation are necessary at the national level,
international success may also depend on it. If serious difficulties develop in collective
bargaining with a multinational firm, for example, and an ITS is contacted
after a strike is underway, or, even worse, after it is lost, it may be very difficult to
help. If, however, the union is already following the activities of the company
internationally as well as nationally and if the ITS, and through it, other unions
within the company, are kept informed about potential difficulties well before the
dispute, it is much more likely that international assistance will be helpful.
It may be important to take the international dimension into account when formulating
negotiating demands. Trade unions will want to understand what constitutes
best practice or norms in any industry and, perhaps more importantly,
what the MNE applies in its operations in other countries. This idea is contained
in the ILO Tripartite Declaration of Principles, which provides that an MNE
should make available safety and health information “relevant to their local operations
which they observe in other countries.” The Declaration also provides that
MNE’s “provide workers’ representatives with information required for meaningful
negotiations with the entity involved and, where this accords with local law
and practices, should also provide information to enable them to obtain a true and
fair view of the performance of the entity, or where appropriate, of the enterprise
as a whole.”

The international dimension must be included when determining the profitability of a
company, a basic step in preparation for collective bargaining. MNE subsidiaries are
sometimes expected to meet a projected target rate of profit set by the parent company.
In collective negotiations, trade unions may be informed that, since the enterprise is not
attaining that rate of profit, union demands cannot be met. It is often the case, in particular
soon after an enterprise has been acquired by a MNE, that the target rate of profit
set by the parent company is unrealistically high. Reasons for this may include that the
parent company is more familiar with another sector or that the acquisition price has
been excessive. In these circumstances trade unions should know what profits other firms
in this sector are earning. It may also be useful to known whether pressures for unrealistic
or even excessive profit margins are coming from outside investors.

It is often difficult to ascertain the profitability of a particular MNE subsidiary enterprise
or factory from data coming from the enterprise itself. MNE’s make extensive
use of transfer pricing for their intra-firm transactions which may include the bulk of
their purchases and sales. Transfer pricing involves setting the prices for internal
transactions within the company higher or lower than market value. This process is
often used to minimise taxation, to help undersell a competitor in a crucial market,
to assist another unit in the same MNE or for any number of other reasons related
to the strategic planning process of the MNE as a whole.

Another basic step in preparing for collective bargaining is understanding the relative
strengths of the trade union and the company in the event of a dispute. Since the
MNE may have the ability to produce the same product at an enterprise in another
country, thus reducing the potential impact of a work stoppage, it is important to
know early on about all of the production sites that could be involved. In that way,
unions in other countries can be alerted to a potential dispute. Many trade unions,
promptly and properly informed about the causes of a dispute, may be able to ask
their members not to handle struck work.

In preparing for a potential dispute, the task of examining other business linkages for
potential vulnerabilities of a firm are more complicated if the firm is a subsidiary of
a foreign MNE. Investors, suppliers, markets and strategic partners are all more likely,
at least in part, to be located outside the country. While this does not mean that
pressure or influence cannot be brought to bear on these linkages, doing so becomes
a longer and more complicated process. Moreover, one or more foreign trade unions
may need to be involved in any effective strategy involving business linkages. This
requires communication and policy co-ordination at the earliest possible moment.
Hence the necessity of conducting the investigations long in advance of contract
expiration dates and the need for early involvement of the ITS.

The preparation of an organising campaign involves gathering much of the same
kind of information as would be required in preparing for a possible collective bargaining
dispute. This would include acquiring an understanding of the product produced
or the services provided, the market and whether it is international, as well as
how the target facility fits into a chain of production or services. An organising campaign
can be difficult for the workers concerned and this kind information may be
crucial in protecting those workers before and after the trade union obtains recognition.
Once again, much information may be available from workers at the facility.

*partie=titre 
9. THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CAMPAIGN *partie=nil 
Campaigning is a basic and growing activity for international trade union organisations.
A campaign may be distinguished from simple solidarity actions such as
sending solidarity messages in the sense that a campaign involves a series of planned
steps which may include more than one kind of activity. The key word is planned.
All serious campaigns have a beginning, a middle and an end. The beginning
involves the decision to campaign as well as campaign planning and preparation.
The idea of a campaign is to enlist others to help obtain an objective. Whether a
campaign seeks to influence a government or an employer, it is a way of expanding
a dispute, most often by involving the public. Because publicity and public
relations are involved in most campaigns, consideration should be given to involving
national trade union centres. They are, as they provide a voice for all workers,
especially appropriate to convey messages to the general public.

*partie=titre Why Campaign? *partie=nil 
Almost all international trade union campaigns have their roots in the recognition
that trade union rights are indivisible and universal and/or in the need for workers
to come together to engage their common employer. Not surprisingly, most
international trade union campaigns are reactive, that is they are responses to government
or company actions and to trade union requests for assistance.

Not all international trade union campaigns are reactive, however. Campaigns can
be part of a positive strategy to achieve a trade union objective. The international
trade union movement is engaged in various campaigns where the long term objective
is to create a binding international framework for business activity that also
protects workers. These campaigns, some of which are of long duration, are key
elements in the trade union response to the challenge of globalisation. In recent
years, there has been interest in other positive campaigns, such as organising campaigns
through international trade union co-operation.

This section considers four different kinds of international trade union campaigns
and their purposes.

*partie=titre Trade union rights campaigns *partie=nil 
The most common international trade union campaign is the trade union rights
campaign. This kind of campaign is almost always directed at specific governments
with the object of getting a government to respect or protect the basic trade union
rights of its citizens in a specific situation. International campaigns have addressed
interference with the right of workers to organise, including the dismissal or
imprisonment of activists and trade union organisers, limits or bans on trade
unions, for example through excessive registration requirements or other restrictions,
and the suppression of strikes.

If a company is not respecting the rights of workers, the rights violation remains
the responsibility of the government. It is the government which should adopt laws
which protect workers’ rights and it is the government which must combat corporate
lawlessness. Campaigns can be directed at both governments and companies,
because many disputes with companies involve violations of trade union
rights. Obviously, such efforts to influence both governments and companies over
violations of trade union rights can be more effective than addressing only the government
or the company. However, care must always be taken to ensure that the
government concerned is not absolved of the ultimate responsibility.

The trade union rights campaign shares many of the purposes and techniques with campaigns
organised by other well-known human rights organisations. These campaigns seek
to provide urgently needed protection to those who have been threatened or imprisoned
by shining the spotlight of international publicity, thereby increasing the difficulty and cost
of continued repression in a specific instance. A common feature of these campaigns is the
mobilisation of messages from as many organisations and countries as possible. Because
rapid response to appeals for solidarity is essential, the trade union rights campaign can be
viewed as an ongoing process. The ICFTU has a committee on Human and Trade Unions
Rights consisting of representatives from ICFTU affiliates and of the ITS for the purpose
of mobilising trade unions in various ongoing campaigns to protect trade union rights.
Trade union rights campaigns have a “legal” quality to them and for good reason.
Violations of trade union rights occur where governments fail to adopt adequate
legislation or where they do not adequately enforce legislation. Violations of trade
union rights also occur where government policy or law restricts or even prohibits
the exercise of trade union rights. However, trade union rights are often provided
for in the national constitution, including in countries where these rights are not
fully respected. In all such cases, the offending government will be in violation of
established international standards and, often, treaty obligations.

A good trade unions rights campaign should relate the situation concerned to the
obligations of governments. This means being familiar with the international
instruments addressing workers’ rights. It also means recognising whether any situation
is a violation of these rights.

Not all violations of trade union rights are as flagrant as the arrest of trade unionists or
the brutal suppression of strikes. Excessive administrative obstacles to trade union
recognition, unduly long legal procedures, interference in the internal affairs of a trade
union and failure by the employer to bargain in good faith can constitute violations of
trade unions rights. Sometimes, investment incentives offered by governments to attract
international business may contain provisions that infringe the rights of workers to join
trade unions and to bargain collectively. In determining whether to mount a trade union
rights campaign, it is important to distinguish trade union rights violations from other
issues. Not everyone who claims to speak for workers is a legitimate workers’ representative
and not every claim asserted across a bargaining table is a right.

As mentioned in the chapter on the ILO, trade union rights are enshrined in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its covenants as well as in other international
instruments. They are also embodied in two Conventions of the ILO:
Convention No. 87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the right to
Organise Convention, 1948) and Convention No. 98 (Right to Organise and
Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949). The ILO has created the Committee on
Freedom of Association in order to examine complaints of violations of these conventions,
regardless of whether or not the countries concerned have ratified them.
National centres, as well as international trade union organisations such as the
ICFTU and the ITS can submit complaints to this tripartite committee which must
provide reports with conclusions and recommendations to the ILO Governing
Body. Committee decisions have led to positive changes in many cases, in spite of
the fact that this procedure can take time and that the ILO has no sanctions other
than moral pressure on rights violators.

Lodging a good complaint requires accurate, complete, and well-documented information.
This means good co-operation between both local unions and their national unions
and between national and international trade union organisations. The ICFTU has considerable
expertise and experience in lodging Freedom of Association complaints and regularly
co-operates with both national centres and the ITS in preparing and filing them.
The ICFTU has produced a publication, “Stand Up for your Rights”, which
explains in more detail how to participate in trade union rights campaigns. The
ICFTU has also developed a special ‘reporting format on violations of trade union
rights’ (see box) that can be used by the trade unionists to supply the minimum
information needed to organise solidarity actions and campaigns. The form is also
used to track trade union rights violations world-wide.

*partie=titre Company Campaigns *partie=nil 
Even in countries where trade union rights are not systematically violated, international
campaigns are employed to assist a trade union in carrying out some of
its basic functions. Most often, these campaigns concern disputes between a trade
union and an employer. These disputes may arise over trade union recognition or
difficulties in obtaining a collective bargaining agreement. Unlike the trade union
rights campaigns, which mainly target governments, these campaigns are directed
at a specific employer and are usually referred to as company campaigns.
In some countries, where there are many problems related to the legal protections
for trade union rights, including low penalties for corporate lawlessness or restrictions
on secondary action, trade unions have sought other means for action to supplement
those protections provided by labour legislation. The concept of the corporate
campaign was developed in the late 1970’s and the early 1980’s by some
US trade unions in the face of continuous management opposition to trade unions
with respect to recognition and collective bargaining. The earliest of these campaigns
were called corporate campaigns because they sought to apply pressure to
the parent corporation by focusing on the company’s financial relationships and
on its Board of Directors. These campaigns sought to influence corporate governance
(i.e. the means by which a company is directed or controlled) and, in particular,
the relationship between the ownership and the management of the company.
Some campaigns used shareholder actions to raise issues of corporate social
responsibility at the annual shareholder meeting of the company.

By the 1980’s, the concept and practice of the corporate campaign in the United
States expanded to include actions which went beyond the structures and relationships
of the industrial relations framework. These new campaigns came to be called
strategic or comprehensive campaigns. The idea of a comprehensive campaign is to
expand the conflict in order to provide the trade union with more leverage than it
would otherwise have. It does this by applying pressure in as many ways as practical
and by attempting to impose real costs on the targeted company.

In a comprehensive campaign, the company is thoroughly studied with a view to discovering
any vulnerabilities or “pressure points” that can be used to influence company
behaviour. These pressure points include customers or suppliers of the company
as well as investors in the company. Actions taken may not always be directly
related to the situation that gave rise to the campaign, but involve other ways to generate
negative publicity for the company. In a comprehensive campaign, attempts are
often made to find common ground with others, such as environmental, consumer,
community and other groups, which are concerned about some aspect of the targeted
company. Comprehensive campaigns often employ novel publicity techniques.
Not all activities in comprehensive campaigns are directed at generating publicity.
Sometimes campaigns include a legal dimension. For example, trade unions may
avail themselves of the public right to intervene in certain regulatory procedures,
such as licensing, in order to force greater transparency upon the company and as
a means of raising its cost of doing business.

Comprehensive campaign often use the international relationships of the company and
trade union organisations in other countries are asked to participate in these campaigns.
ITS have developed and carried out a number of campaigns in situations where
limited solidarity actions were not sufficient to resolve a fundamental problem or
series of problems with a company. On broader issues, for example, child labour,
the ICFTU has led several campaigns, with the participation and support of ITS.
Some of these campaigns included work which focussed on specific MNE’s.
The campaign techniques to put pressure on individual employers, both national
and multinational, and/or governments differ from one campaign to another. A few
general techniques have been developed which have proven to be very effective but
most strategies for a campaign have to be re-invented on a case-by-case basis, making
it difficult to provide guidelines. Campaigns requires imaginative people digging
into the very essence of a company. They need to come up with new and innovative
ways of using the knowledge of a company’s power structure, its economic and
financial links, and its environment in order to change the company’s behaviour and
resolve problems.

*partie=titre Organising campaigns *partie=nil 
Company campaigns do not always have to be responses to requests for help.
They can instead be part of a strategic plan to achieve an objective. This is especially
true with respect to the basic trade union mission of recruiting new members
and organising workers into trade unions. There have been several international
organising campaigns to assist trade unions in their effort to organise workers
employed by specific companies in specific countries.

One reason for international trade union co-operation is the strategic interest
trade unions have in increasing the trade union presence in an MNE. A low level
of organisation or serious gaps in the organisation of an MNE’s workforce can
deprive national trade unions of sufficient countervailing power with the MNE.
This can also hinder the ability of trade unions internationally to reach framework
agreements or establish effective global company councils.

International trade union co-operation in organising campaigns, especially where
an MNE is involved, has certain obvious advantages. It provides ties with the
home-country trade union, shares knowledge of different industrial relations systems
and facilitates exchange of information, including corporate research. It can
also help to solve problems which were not anticipated. For example, international
organisations can bring in their expertise when dealing with sophisticated antiunion
campaigns by companies.

International organising campaigns do not have to involve helping workers organise
in more than one country. They can be part of a strategy to increase organisation
in one country by, for instance, targeting the suppliers and sub-contractors of
an MNE or by targeting the firms in a specific industry or in an EPZ. The international
component can come from the contributions made by trade unions in
other countries. These contributions may include providing leverage with either
the parent corporation or with the customers or suppliers of the company targeted
for organising. Trade unions can also contribute financial resources or other
resources such as training or legal assistance.

However, as with any organising campaign, the willingness of workers to try to
come together and, often, their ability to overcome their fear are essential.
Without this “support on the ground”, international connections will be of little
use.

One should not assume that an MNE that has good relationships in some countries
will not strenuously oppose trade union organisation in other countries. MNE’s
often claim that they leave it up to local management. Whether or not this is, in fact,
the policy of the company, trade unions should as a matter of principle, hold the parent
company responsible for the labour practices of its subsidiary enterprises.

*partie=titre General campaigns *partie=nil 
Most international trade union campaigns are directed at individual companies or
governments concerning specific situations. However, international trade union
organisations are also involved in various general campaigns. More often than
not, these campaigns are initiated by the international trade union organisations
themselves. They tend to address broad concerns and have long time frames
reflecting a long-term strategy. Two examples would be the ICFTU led campaign
for workers’ rights clauses in international trade and investment agreements and
the campaign against child labour, also initiated by the ICFTU.

The international campaign for workers’ rights clauses is co-ordinated by a Task
Force on Trade Investment and Labour Standards consisting of representatives
from ICFTU affiliates, regional organisations, TUAC, ITS and some positive
NGO’s such as Solidar. Campaign activities have included representations to international
organisations, proposals for ICFTU affiliates to present to their respective
governments, international conferences, public reports and various publications,
regular e-mail discussions and a dedicated web-site. The long-term objective is an
international framework linking trade and investment to workers’ rights. The
campaign has involved a number of “sub-campaigns”, with medium and short
term objectives. For example, these sub-campaigns have sought to secure clauses
in specific trade or investment agreements or have used existing clauses such as the
workers’ rights clauses in the European Union’s General System of Preferences
(GSP) to deny trade privileges to oppressive regimes such as Burma.

Several other ITS also have pages on their web-sites for solidarity campaigns and/or
urgent actions.

*partie=titre When to campaign *partie=nil 
Campaigns are not last minute appeals for help. Nor are they simple pronouncements
of policy, unaccompanied by any plan to promote or give effect
to that policy. Campaigns require both purpose and planning. The decision to
campaign should only be made after it has been determined that all of the elements
for a successful campaign are present. These elements include a clearly
defined objective, a strategy to achieve that objective as well as an understanding
of the required resources.

The decision to campaign should reflect an understanding that the objectives
are realistic. It should also reflect an equally realistic appraisal of the human
and financial resources required and whether they are available. The ability to
enlist and motivate both individual volunteers and other organisations should
be taken into account. Whether the campaign can attract additional resources
and how costs might be shared is also part of the decision to campaign.

The decision to launch a company campaign should be made only after a considerable
amount of corporate research. A campaign relies on accurate information
which will be the source for negative publicity on the targeted company
or its business allies. The initial research must not only be accurate, but also
complete. The facts must be true and sustainable under critical examination.
International campaigns require international partners. Throughout the past
decade the number of requests for international assistance by trade unions,
including requests to launch or join a campaign, has increased dramatically. In
many of these cases, the situation is so serious that it cannot be resolved without
considerable effort over the long term.

In cases of serious or prolonged violations of trade union rights, the ITS may
co-ordinate a campaign to maximise pressure on the offending company. Such
a decision is only taken after serious deliberation and an examination of what
resources and tactics might be successful in that specific campaign. Two widely
recognised priorities for sustained solidarity actions are:
- disputes involving the suppression of trade union rights, especially where a
trade union is in danger of being destroyed; and
- where the effect of the dispute has wide ranging implications for the entire
trade union movement, either nationally or internationally.

In many cases, the trade union concerned will be in a desperate situation. To
the extent possible, emergencies should be avoided or anticipated. It is obvious
that there are some situations where it is not possible to prepare properly. But,
in many others, positive action before a crisis or dispute can make a big difference.
Even in very serious situations where there is the possibility of having a
campaign, there may be an opportunity to really get the attention of the company
and, ultimately, change its behaviour by acting quickly before the dispute
escalates.

Not all international campaigns are global. They can involve only two or three
countries, or a region. Nor do all campaigns have to be elaborate. Some highly
effective campaigns have involved only a moderate commitment of time and
resources. As international trade union links get stronger, solidarity will become
more integrated into normal trade union activity and will make it possible to get
better results with a wide range of often limited campaigns and other strategic
activities. On occasion, something as simple as a statement from a foreign union
to the parent company or to another company connected with that company, so
that it is understood that there is a difficulty, may help make things easier. It will
likely, at least, produce a phone call from the company.

*partie=titre How to campaign *partie=nil 
No two campaigns are the same and it is not possible to provide a recipe for international
campaigning. The ICFTU and the ITS have in recent years examined various
international campaigns with a view to drawing conclusions about the lessons
learned. It is clear that co-operation, planning and preparation as well as communication
are critical elements in any campaign. Follow-up and evaluation should
also be considered as necessary elements in any campaign.

*partie=titre Securing co-operation *partie=nil 
Campaigning is not a solitary activity. One objective of any campaign is to secure
allies, which usually is best done at the very beginning. At the very least, international
campaigns will require co-operating organisations in other countries and
this co-operation should be secured before any international campaign is
launched.

In planning and carrying out a campaign, it is important to establish the respective
responsibilities of co-operating organisations and of individuals within those
organisations. One important responsibility is to keep track of all aspects of the
campaign, from its initiation until the end. In some cases, this responsibility may
be largely in the hands of the trade union directly involved in the dispute. In others,
it will be the ITS which carries the primary responsibility for leading the international
campaign and generating the necessary solidarity in other countries.

There may be involvement of national centres as well as individual unions.
However the responsibilities are combined, there needs to be a way of pulling
together and holding together all of the participants. An unorganised, uncoordinated
campaign is likely to be frustrating and unproductive. In most cases, it is
recommended that all participating organisations name individuals with clearly
established responsibilities, which serve as contact points.

Another means of securing co-operation in extensive campaigns is to organise
national level preparatory meetings or seminars. In some extensive international
campaigns international meetings have also been organised.

*partie=titre Planning and preparation *partie=nil 
Planning an international campaign, including identifying potential pressure
points, should be done as much as possible from the very beginning. It is to the
advantage of all solidarity partners for international campaigns to be organised
well in advance. A timeline for the campaign should be prepared showing the envisioned
stages of the campaign and be used for scheduling events and setting deadlines
for the various tasks involved. The dates for any proposed activity should be
set with adequate lead-time and some flexibility should be built into the timeframe.
This planning should reflect the international dimension - calendars of participating
organisations in other countries, as well as other important dates in
other countries, such as holidays or religious observances, should be taken into
account.

Give other organisations a chance to be included in the planning process, such as
the trade unions bodies which need to be involved in the strategy, for example
those trade unions representing workers who may be affected by the campaign.
The decision when or how to end a campaign is also of critical importance and
should be considered in the planning stages of any campaign. Included in this decision
is, of course, a clear definition of objectives so as to be able to measure success.
For some extensive campaigns, it might be useful to draw up a specific campaign
manual. It is important that members who are to take action know what they are
being asked to do and also why they are doing it, so that they can participate fully
and answer questions if necessary. This manual can provide all the necessary
details on the campaign, but may also give information of a more general nature,
such as how to deal with the press or how to get political and other support for
campaign objectives.

*partie=titre Communication *partie=nil 
Both internal and external communication are central to effective campaigns.
Internal communication includes regular follow-up communications and updates
in order to keep co-operating trade union organisations informed of developments.
Good internal communication makes it possible to learn what is and what
is not working and to adjust the tactics and strategy accordingly. Moreover, trade
unions carrying out activities will have better results if all partners, and particularly
the ITS, are fully informed of their activities. It is, for example, important to
make sure that the international trade union organisations receive all of the relevant
press articles.

Information technology is very useful for campaign communication. When available,
e-mail and the internet are wonderful tools for the spreading and exchanging
of information, since it makes it relatively easy to reach a lot of people in a
short time.

External communication is what a campaign is about - it is the message and how
it is transmitted to other people. This means more than good arguments - the arguments
must be readily understandable and they must reach the people the campaign
needs to reach.

Publicity is, of course, an essential element of almost all campaigns. International
campaigns should take into account the international dimension of publicity
work. The media in other countries may have different needs reflecting different
cultures or markets. Generally, the key is to get people to identify with the campaign
by relating it to their own experiences or values. The same can be said for
the various materials such as fact sheets, brochures and leaflets, which need to be
prepared for the campaign. International trade union organisations can offer valuable
advice on media work and on material development for international campaigns.
Trade unions engaged in company campaigns often are aware that, in many sectors,
the global brand name is one of the most important corporate assets of an
MNE. Tremendous advertising resources are spent promoting favourable associations
with brand names and MNE’s are able to use this public perception to charge
premium prices. Because of this, companies are prepared to go to extraordinary
lengths. They are using the most sophisticated public relations techniques to
defend their brand name images. Trade unions will rarely be able to match the
resources or sophistication of the company public relations defence and must rely
instead on credibility and substantiated facts. Credibility combined with effective
trade union action can overcome a company’s public relations machine.

The already-mentioned role of the national centre in campaigns should not be
overlooked. As the manifestation of trade union solidarity in their respective countries,
national centres are the organisations with the widest networks and therefore
the most able to marshal the resources of the entire trade union movement to
build public support for a cause. Even in countries where the role of trade unions
in economic and political life is well established, campaigns are often the public
face of trade unions. Campaign themes should therefore be positive and not defensive.

*partie=titre Follow-up and evaluation *partie=nil 
It is essential that participating organisations and allies are informed when a campaign
is over. It is also important to acknowledge the contributions made by the
various organisations.

It would be useful, however, to go a step beyond that and attempt to analyse the
campaign with a view towards drawing lessons that can be applied to future campaigns
or international solidarity. Involving international trade union organisations
in this process is a good way to insure that the lessons learned will be available
to others when the need arises.